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1.
Geoff Harris 《Higher Education》2010,59(3):293-301
The aims of this article are to present the case for the study of conflict, violence and peace in African universities and
to discuss ways by which this might be organised. It begins with a discussion of the meanings of conflict, violence and peace,
as used in the discipline of peace studies. The case for studying peace is then laid out, with particular reference to the
beliefs that non-violent ways of resolving conflict are effective and can be learned. The nature and extent of peace studies
in African universities is then surveyed and ideas are presented concerning the content of peace studies modules. A distinction
is drawn between peace studies and political science; the former emphasises the importance of structural violence, that the
means used to build peace must be consistent with the ends aimed for and that students can learn to adopt peace as a way of
life. The article concludes by examining five ways of setting up a peace studies programme. 相似文献
2.
Lynn Davies 《Compare》2005,35(4):357-371
A focus on conflict and education is one of the most pressing concerns of the current times, and yet the role of education in the perpetuation, or the mitigation, of international conflict is curiously underplayed and under‐researched. This paper looks firstly at the contributions that education makes to conflict, through the reproduction of inequality and exclusion, through perpetuation of ethnic or religious divisions, through its acceptance of dominant aggressive masculinities, through selection, competition and fear, and through distorted curricular emphases on narrow cognitive areas of learning. However, the paper also outlines some ‘possibilities for hope’, such as resilient schools, the impact of peace education initiatives and the rise of global citizenship education. It is argued that comparative and international education has a highly important role in establishing patterns of educational contribution to peace or conflict, and in dissemination of research to act as a lobbying force to influence education policy and practice. The paper outlines eight priorities, including alternative international studies focusing on ‘achievement’ in peace education; cross‐cultural or longitudinal studies of impact of peace education and war education; and tracer studies of why young people join fundamentalist organisations. 相似文献
3.
Michalinos Zembylas 《Prospects》2011,41(4):567-579
This article addresses the dilemmas emerging from efforts to integrate human rights values within a peace education programme
being carried out in a conflict situation. Although the article is largely theoretical, it is grounded in the author’s reflections
on a series of teacher workshops and his overall experiences conducting ethnographic research on issues of human rights and
peace education in conflict and post-conflict situations, especially in his home country, Cyprus. The article outlines several
interpretations and critiques of the human rights framework, offers an overview of human rights education and peace education,
and then discusses two dilemmas that emerge from efforts to integrate human rights values within peace education programmes.
Finally, it argues that an approach to human rights that is based on values and oriented towards praxis, with an emphasis
on cross-cutting principles such as non-discrimination and equality, could perhaps be more compatible with peace education
efforts. 相似文献
4.
双语认知控制的神经基础及语言冲突解决能力 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
人们在学习和使用第二语言时势必会出现母语（第一语言）对第二语言的干扰,这种冲突对于双语者和单语者产生不同的干扰。双语者能熟练解决冲突,选择正确的目标语的语言表征,这个过程也可被称做抑制控制（inhibitory control）。解决冲突的关键环节就是抑制冲突。在论述了双语制的研究现状、认知控制的神经基础上,着重探讨了双语制在语言冲突解决中的表现。 相似文献
5.
William E. Miller 《Religious education (Chicago, Ill.)》2013,108(4):435-437
The purpose of this study is to demonstrate the role of leaders in building nonviolent organizations and the role of organizations in cultivating habits of peace, thereby preparing people as peacemakers in a violent world. Leadership literature asks how to build healthy organizations; conflict literature asks how to make global peace. Both ask how people are shaped by their leaders and communities, but conversations between organizational and peace theories are minimal, as are conversations about peacemaking in local and global contexts. This study identifies practices for building nonviolent organizations, recognizing the significance of educating leaders and organizations as just peace-builders. 相似文献
6.
7.
Since the turn of the twenty-first century, the global education community has focused significant attention on the promotion of education in fragile and conflict-affected contexts, embodied in the growth of a new sub-field called Education in Emergencies. This article points out the surprising distinction of this new sub-field from the more established and closely related field of peace education. It examines United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) documents for insight into the changing global ideas that have facilitated the shift in focus from peace to conflict. Empirically, we draw on a quantitative content analysis of more than 450 UNESCO documents published between 1945 and 2015. We find that education for peace remains a constant, if evolving, concern in these texts, but that a powerful emphasis on individual rights has shifted the discursive focus away from inter-state relations and towards the educational needs of young people. In the documents, conflict is now theorised as a threat to education and peace is re-envisioned not just as the desirable outcome of education, but also as its pre-condition. We show how this ideational transformation has re-cast an expansive array of conflicts, natural disasters, and other emergencies as threats to education. 相似文献
8.
David G. Kibble 《Curriculum Journal》2013,24(4):553-566
This study outlines the current and recent ‘state of play’ in Israeli and Palestinian schools concerning the education of students about ‘the Other’. This is seen to be far from satisfactory. An examination of the complexities involved in learning about ‘the Other’ and of education programmes in other countries that have been afflicted by internal conflict show the need for a properly developed peace education programme to be developed in Israel and Palestine if real peace in the region is to be promoted. 相似文献
9.
师学伟 《洛阳师范学院学报》2011,(7):49-54
克什米尔问题,是印巴关系的核心问题。其战略地位和重要性决定了它与大国,尤其是中国有直接利害关系。因此,中国在实施南亚战略过程中给予该问题以密切关注。以历史分析法阐释历史时期中国在克什米尔问题上的政策演化,阐述了中国在实施南亚战略过程中如何对该问题进行考量,并对中国的克什米尔政策给予了简要评析。 相似文献
10.
Jeannie R. Annan Anne Paulyn Amuge Sr. Teddy Angwaro 《International journal for the advancement of counseling》2003,25(4):235-245
This paper describes the way that counselors in northern Uganda are working to promote healing and build peace in a region plagued by war since 1986. In this area where the entire community is affected by the armed conflict, the counselors work as part of a community program. This paper attempts to describe (1) the background and nature of the northern Uganda conflict, (2) how counseling was established as part of a network of community helpers, (3) the complexity of counseling in the context of conflict, (4) how counseling is contributing to building long-term peace in the area, and (5) the challenges faced by counselors and their implications for others working in areas of armed conflict. 相似文献
11.
Anatol Pikas 《International Review of Education/Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft/Revue internationale l'éducation》1983,29(3):331-343
Peace education activities, widely contrasting and often mutually inconsistent, may be understood as constituting a dialectic in which each step is based on fundamental human reaction patterns mobilized as incentives. Although neither thesis, ‘Sounding the Alarm’, nor anthithesis, ‘Identifying Causes’, is adequate on its own for building peace, each is a necessary stage in development towards the synthesis, ‘Symmetric Peace Education’. According to this concept, peace can only be achieved through co-operation between the parties threatening or threatened by each other; and the task of symmetric peace education is to bring both sides and involved neutrals together to work out a basis of common values and joint activities while protecting the identity and integrity of all participants. On the micro-level, in schools, appropriate exercises can be designed to enable pupils to learn, from their own experiences of conflict, symmetrical and constructive habits in communication. Extension to the macro-, international, level may be achieved by representative groups of educators working together without destructive confrontation to produce common peace education packages: these would be used symmetrically by mutual agreement in countries currently rearming against each other. A different approach is proposed for bringing together groups of other professional people in ‘prepared, constructive confrontations’ in order to reduce distrust and increase mutual understanding. The express purpose for the foundation of Unesco was to build peace; and by virtue of this mandate and the nature of its constitution, the organization is uniquely placed to promote symmetric peace education in the ways described. 相似文献
12.
中国在近年综合国力的提升引起了世界格局的重大变化,如何保持可大可久之局,是中国发展当前面临的重要问题,中华文化中和合精神由来已久,是足可借鉴之道。《孙子兵法》的和合思想超越同侪,予人以深刻启发,细加琢磨,必将对国际和平有所贡献。《易经》中的和合思想精深博大,陶铸了数千年中国人所言所行的风格。有志之士宜深切体会中华文化中的和合精神,并发扬光大。 相似文献
13.
张云筝 《青岛大学师范学院学报》2010,27(1):51-55
宋代外交以失败而著称,一个重要原因是北宋末年与南宋时期投降主义思想的“高涨”。秦桧的投降主义思想最具代表性。他主张“南人归南,北人归北”,对敌人以诚相待。求和,要“屈已”,要坚定不移,要不惜一切代价。其投降主义思想来源,主要是在强敌面前,完全丧失了奋争精神;极端的利己思想,以“忠君”迎合高宗的投降思想,为巩固个人地位,不惜放弃国家利益;以“保全东南”为幌子,实为苟且存活。秦桧的投降主义思想对南宋后期统治阶层的思想有着重要影响。 相似文献
14.
John Windmueller Ellen Kabcenell Wayne Johannes Botes 《International Review of Education/Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft/Revue internationale l'éducation》2009,21(3):285-301
This article uses a case study of the assessment of a graduate program in negotiations and conflict management as a springboard
for discussing several critical, but unanswered questions in our field. It raises questions regarding the lack of clear core
competencies and expectations regarding curricula at the graduate-level of peace and conflict studies programs, as well as
concerns over how educators in this field can or should assess their own work and train students for practice. It also addresses,
via a comparative case analysis in Tajikistan, the degree to which the competencies and pedagogical approaches in this field
are culturally bound. The picture that emerges from these case studies suggests that there have been important omissions in
the way that the varied educational programs and the larger peace and conflict studies field itself have developed thus far. 相似文献
15.
二战结束以来的国际局势经历了三个阶段，即两极格局的形成和发展、两大阵营的对峙和斗争阶段；两大阵营的分化瓦解、两极格局的解体阶段；多极化格局的逐渐形成、和平与发展成为世界主题阶段。随着国际格局和国际关系的演变，中国的对外政策也不断得到调整和发展。回顾和总结二战结束以来国际局势的演变过程及其特点以及中国外交政策的调整、发展过程及其经验，具有重要的现实意义。 相似文献
16.
池田大作和平思想的一大贡献是他提出以人类主权取代国家主权的和平理念,他认为在民族主义的国家主权思想影响下不可能实现人类和平。为了实现21世纪的和平,就要树立全球主义思想,提倡人类主权。实现人类主权的条件与方法包括转变人心,实现人性革命;加强和平宣传,扩大心灵的沟通;以教育实现和平;高度重视联合国的重要作用等。走出民族主义,实现大同理想是池田大作的愿望,也是现代社会公认的普世价值。 相似文献
17.
陈平 《邵阳学院学报(社会科学版)》2007,6(6):10-12
在特定情境中,道德与法律常发生冲突。道德与法律的冲突分为某一行为或事物的性质与道德一致而法律冲突和与法律一致而道德冲突两种情形。道德与法律的冲突对立法伦理、执法伦理、司法伦理、守法伦理各法律伦理都有深刻的影响。只有在对道德与法律的冲突有了充分的研究之后建立起来的法律伦理,才有现实性以及能被人们所接受和遵守,才能完善我们构建法律伦理的视角和完善法律伦理学学科自身。 相似文献
18.
中国和平发展的必然性及其世界影响——从《中国的非和平崛起》一文谈起 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
张宏毅 《北京师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,(2):46-51
面对中国的和平发展,所谓“中国威胁”的论调不绝于耳。国外某些文章虽可能没有恶意,但却用西方特有的“经验”和他们的“国际关系理论”来衡量和揣度中国,从而得出“中国不可能和平崛起”的错误结论。他们不懂得,走和平发展之路是由中国历史文化的特点、中国特色社会主义制度和理念、中国自身的发展需要和当今世界潮流所决定的。中国的和平发展反映了第三世界国家和人民的心声,也有利于在大国间形成双赢局面,既可为国际社会提供新的发展模式,又能从根本上改变几百年来西方的国际关系理念。中国的和平发展已经对世界产生巨大影响,并将进一步推动世界的发展。 相似文献
19.
朱美娣 《安庆师范学院学报(社会科学版)》2007,26(1):100-103
20世纪60年代中后期到70年代初,美越战争所引发的以学生、妇女、宗教界人士为主的声势浩大的和平反战运动,由最初局部微弱的抗议,逐渐发展到混乱无序失控的局面,最后终于走上正轨,到达高潮,成功促使了越南战争的提前结束,反映了人们强烈的和平愿望,昭示了和平反战运动的强大力量。 相似文献
20.
湖南和平文化可以作为两岸湘台促进往来、加深沟通的新载体和新渠道。在两岸和平发展的大背景下,双方可以从旅游这一简单易行的形式开始,通过主题定位和线路规划,集中展现湖南和平文化资源的内涵和价值;在加强文化产业建设的基础上,围绕经贸往来、政策试点试验、政治对话打造平台、拓展空间,和平文化有可能在湘台合作及国家统一大业进程中发挥积极作用。 相似文献