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1.
新中国选举制度的确立,以1953年3月《中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会及地方各级人民代表大会选举法》的颁布为标志。从研究新中国第一次全民普选入手,是深化对这一制度认识的一个途径。照顾少数民族选举权,规定中共党组织、民主党派、选民或代表的联合提名权以及选区划分、选民登记、代表候选人提名、投票与计票制度等选举运作程序与环节的规定,基本上为1954年宪法所确认,而且大都沿用至今。1953年选举法及其实施为新中国选举制度的确立及发展创造了初步的历史经验,无疑对于今天的选举实践,尤其是整个国家基层民主建设提供了借鉴意义。 相似文献
2.
美国总统选举制度程序和过程复杂漫长。独特的预选方式、候选人各种各样的竞选演说、身份不同的选民、不同的投票方式、竞选资金、竞争对手相互的抗衡等在英语里都有其独特表达。美国竞选词汇的生成是依靠英语构词法和词义扩展而形成,无论是自然产生或为刻意制造,都反映了美国竞选政治的需要, 相似文献
3.
This study investigated issue ownership patterns in 602 U.S. House and Senate Democratic and Republican political campaign television advertisements from 1980–2000. First, the themes in these ads were about equally split between policy and character (unlike presidential TV spots from the same time period, which are roughly two-thirds policy and one-third character). Candidates from each political party addressed their own party's issues more than issues owned by the other party. However, unlike presidential spots, congressional ads discussed Democratic issues more than Republican issues (59% to 41%). Although candidates from both political parties discussed their own issues more, winners tended to discuss issues from the other party more than losers. There was no difference in issue ownership emphasis between the House and Senate ads in this sample. 相似文献
4.
Petrocik's (1996) theory of political party issue ownership predicts that candidates will emphasize the issues on which their own party is considered most effective. This prediction has been confirmed in presidential campaign messages, but it has yet to be tested with non-presidential campaign discourse. Computer content analysis of over 1100 political television spots from 1980 to 2002 (most spots were from 2002) discovered that overall, Democratic candidates discussed their own party's issues more than did Republicans, whereas Republicans discussed Republican issues more than did Democratic candidates. However, local ads and US Senate spots from 2002 did not follow issue ownership predictions (candidates did not discuss their own party's issues significantly more than the other party's issues). Unlike presidential spots, non-presidential advertising discusses Democratic issues more than Republican ones; the Republican Party owns more national or federal issues such as national defense and foreign policy. 相似文献
5.
Most studies of political advertising focus on presidential television spots. However, far more commercials are broadcast for other races. This study applies the functional theory of political campaign discourse to 584 television spots from presidential, gubernatorial, senatorial, house, and local races in the 2000 election. The most common functions were acclaims (67%) followed by attacks (32%) and defenses (1%). When non-presidential ads are examined, incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers. Party-sponsored ads employed more attacks than ads sponsored by the candidates. These messages emphasized policy more than character (62% against 38%). Democratic candidates discussed policy more than Republicans. Presidential and gubernatorial ads (executive offices) discussed policy more than ads for other offices. 相似文献
6.
蒋晴霜 《四川教育学院学报》2013,29(1):48-53
自20世纪40年代以来,美国总统选举提名阶段的改革大大增强了媒体在竞选中的影响力,吸引了国外学界对新闻报道,尤其是"赛马式"报道的广泛关注和深思。通过分析《纽约时报》关于1988年民主党预选的91篇新闻报道,一方面指出该领域研究重视探究报道模式、揭示其对竞选结果的不利影响;另一方面也指出其忽视或过分简单化其形成原因的缺陷。从竞选者的自我表达方式﹑媒体的特质以及竞选活动特点三方面的相互促进与制约来阐释"赛马式"报道的形成机制。 相似文献
7.
Richard B. Gregg 《Communication quarterly》2013,61(3):229-243
Data from the American National Election Study reveals that the issue of abortion was the most significant policy issue in the 1992 presidential campaign. This essay examines the general strategies of Clinton and Bush regarding the abortion issue among the complex of family values appeals. A special analytical focus highlights the image of a dead fetus that was shown in campaign advertising in a variety of states, and that was the “hot button”; for true believers among the right‐to‐life forces. The impact of abortion on the vote for the presidential candidates is presented with data that allows a speculative projection of the influence of the abortion issue on future national election campaigns. 相似文献
8.
查玮 《合肥教育学院学报》2009,(1):25-28,68
1989年,安徽省岳西县莲云乡腾云村首次采用组合竞选制选举村委会主任,打破了上级提名、村民举手通过的形式,实现了腾云村历史上破天荒的第一次民主政治。20年间,腾云村共历经七届村委会,其中五届采取的是组合竞选制模式产生的领导班子。然而,第七届村委会换届选举采取的是“海选”模式。组合竞选制在经过几次实践后．出现了一些问题,不能全面推广,与农村居民的整体素质不高、外出务工人员增多有关。 相似文献
9.
This study applies the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to the television spots from the 2002 Korean presidential campaign. TV ads appear to have become an institutionalized component of the Korean presidential campaign; as yet no study has examined the most recent Korean presidential ads. Like American candidates, Korean presidential candidates rely more on acclaims (positive utterances) than attacks (negative statements). They also rarely defend in spots. The incumbent party candidate, Roh, offered more acclaims than the challenger Lee, whereas the challenger Lee used more attacks than did Roh. However, unlike American candidates (who emphasized policy over character), policy (issue) and character (image) were almost equally discussed in Korean advertisements. Unlike American presidential candidates, the winner in Korea in 2002 emphasized character more than policy. It is clear that presidential campaign messages from these two cultures possess both similarities and differences. 相似文献
10.
王晓军 《广西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2012,48(1):128-132
1946年广西省参议会议长选举是抗战胜利后地方政治权力的一次非暴力角逐。以李任仁、陈锡为首的竞选双方采取了各种各样的竞选方式和竞选策略,其中既有合法的、正当的,也有非法的、不正当的。竞选中存在的诸多不足,既暴露了民国后期法制的缺陷与不足,也反映了当时社会民主意识与氛围的局限,预示了在中国建立民主制度道路的曲折艰辛。 相似文献
11.
钟有为 《安徽教育学院学报》2006,24(4):37-41
在印度存在了几千年的种姓制度,其特点和作用随着社会发展而不断变化。当今种姓制的政治作用不断加强,表现在:低种姓群体政治上进一步觉醒,他们形成自己的政党、协会等组织,积极参与政治活动;政党对种姓的利用增强,各种选举离不开种姓因素;种姓冲突频仍,导致政局动荡,其在政治生活中的分量加重。 相似文献
12.
Fortschritt und Verantwortung! Education as a rallying cry in Luxembourg’s general elections of 1974
Matias Gardin 《History of education》2016,45(5):638-652
Education became a rallying cry in Luxembourg’s general elections of 1974. For the first time in the country’s post-war history, the Socialists and Democrats entered the government, with new plans for education. The unbroken rule of almost 30 years by the Christian Democrats was over. New ‘global’ educational concepts were employed to introduce changes in the national curriculum, the aim being a transformation from an elite to a mass system of participation. One of these changes was the idea of the comprehensive school, which divided the electorates, parties and press respectively. Yet, this fundamental change has received little attention in the academic literature. What were the differences between the parties when it came to education policy? By intersecting politics, globalisation and education, this paper examines the impact of the election events of 1974 on Luxembourg’s political discourse. The conclusion points to the central role the parties played in the proliferation of new educational norms. 相似文献
13.
孔寒冰 《忻州师范学院学报》2004,20(1):13-19
文章通过对1956年苏共二十大以后国际共运中一些重大事件的分析和研究,提出大论战的发生主要是因为中苏两党在许多理论与实践问题上的矛盾和冲突,而造成这种矛盾和冲突的主要原因之一是中国党从"左"的角度来理解、实施这些理论与实践。 相似文献
14.
Meagan M. Patterson Rebecca S. Bigler Erin Pahlke Christia Spears Brown Amy Roberson Hayes M. Chantal Ramirez Andrew Nelson 《Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development》2019,84(3):7-185
In this monograph, we argue for the establishment of a developmental science of politics that describes, explains, and predicts the formation and change of individuals’ political knowledge, attitudes, and behavior beginning in childhood and continuing across the life course. Reflecting our goal of contributing both theoretical conceptualizations and empirical data, we have organized the monograph into two broad sections. In the first section, we outline theoretical contributions that the study of politics may make to developmental science and provide practical reasons that empirical research in the domain of politics is important (e.g., for identifying ways to improve civics education and for encouraging higher voting rates among young adults). We also review major historical approaches to the study of political development and provide an integrative theoretical framework to ground future work. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems model as an organizing scheme and emphasizing social justice issues, we describe how factors rooted in cultural contexts, families, and children themselves are likely to shape political development. In the second section of the monograph, we argue for the importance and utility of studying major political events, such as presidential elections, and introduce the major themes, rationales, and hypotheses for a study of U.S. children's views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In addition, we apply a social-justice lens to political thought and participation, addressing the role of gender/sex and race/ethnicity in children's political development broadly, and in their knowledge and views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election specifically. In interviews conducted within the month before and after the election, we examined two overarching categories of children's political attitudes: (a) knowledge, preferences, and expectations about the 2016 election, and (b) knowledge and attitudes concerning gender/sex and politics, particularly relevant for the 2016 election given Hillary Clinton's role as the first female major-party candidate for the presidency. Participants were 187 children (101 girls) between 5 and 11 years of age (M = 8.42 years, SD = 1.45 years). They were recruited from schools and youth organizations in five counties in four U.S. states (Kansas, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington) with varying voting patterns (e.g., Trump voters ranged from 27% to 71% of county voters). The sample was not a nationally representative one, but was racially diverse (35 African American, 50 Latinx, 81 White, and 21 multiracial, Asian American, Middle Eastern, or Native American children). In addition to several child characteristics (e.g., age, social dominance orientation [SDO]), we assessed several family and community characteristics (e.g., child-reported parental interest in the election and government-reported county-level voting patterns, respectively) hypothesized to predict outcome variables. Although our findings are shaped by the nature of our sample (e.g., our participants were less likely to support Trump than children in larger, nationwide samples were), they offer preliminary insights into children's political development. Overall, children in our sample were interested in and knowledgeable about the presidential election (e.g., a large majority identified the candidates correctly and reported some knowledge about their personal qualities or policy positions). They reported more information about Donald Trump's than Hillary Clinton's policies, largely accounted for by the substantial percentage of children (41%) who referred to Trump's immigration policies (e.g., building a wall between the United States and Mexico). Overall, children reported as many negative as positive personal qualities of the candidates, with negative qualities being reported more often for Trump than for Clinton (56% and 18% of children, respectively). Most children (88%) supported Clinton over Trump, a preference that did not vary by participants’ gender/sex or race/ethnicity. In their responses to an open-ended inquiry about their reactions to Trump's win, 63% of children reported negative and 18% reported positive emotions. Latinx children reacted more negatively to the election outcome than did White children. Girls’ and boys’ emotional responses to the election outcome did not differ. Children's personal interest in serving as U.S. president did not vary across gender/sex or racial/ethnic groups (overall, 42% were interested). Clinton's loss of the election did not appear to depress (or pique) girls’ interest in becoming U.S. president. With respect to the role of gender/sex in politics, many children (35%) were ignorant about women's absence from the U.S. presidency. Only a single child was able to name a historical individual who worked for women's civil rights or suffrage. Child characteristics predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, older children showed greater knowledge about the candidates than did younger children. Family and community characteristics also predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, participants were more likely to support Trump if they perceived that their parents supported him and if Trump received a greater percentage of votes in the children's county of residence. Our data suggest that civic education should be expanded and reformed. In addition to addressing societal problems requiring political solutions, civics lessons should include the histories of social groups’ political participation, including information about gender discrimination and the women's suffrage movement in U.S. political history. Providing children with environments that are rich in information related to the purpose and value of politics, and with opportunities and encouragement for political thought and action, is potentially beneficial for youth and their nations. 相似文献
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16.
靳晓光 《辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2014,(2):164-169
制度更具根本性、全局性、稳定性和长期性,发展党内民主,健全制度体系是基础。健全党内制度体系,关键是要进一步完善党内选举制度,完善候选人产生程序,规范差额选举,配套相关制度;完善党内决策制度,健全党代会、全委会、常委会制度,细化工作制度,完善决策程序,健全和完善决策的纠错、评价制度,充分利用互联网、智库等平台,创新决策制度,推进决策科学化、民主化;完善党内外监督制度,在党内监督方面,强化监督意识、加强制度设计、完善监督体制、健全监督机制,在党外监督方面,加强民主党派监督、新闻舆论监督和群众监督;完善党员权利保障制度,细化并落实党员的知情权、参与权、决策权,完善权利救济制度。 相似文献
17.
高子平 《河南师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2008,35(3):74-77
印共(马)长期活跃在印度政坛,多次赢得邦级选举的胜利,并在西孟加拉、特里普拉、喀拉拉等邦单独或与印共(马列)等联合执政,尤其在西孟加拉邦执政长达30年之久。印共(马)成为印度执政时间最长的政党,充分实践了该党的执政理念,也在国际共运史上创造了一个奇迹。研究印共(马)的执政理念,对于深入了解国外无产阶级政党、推进我国的党建工作、提高党的执政能力有着非常重要的参考价值。 相似文献
18.
CHEN PINGYUAN 《Chinese Education & Society》2013,46(1):8-17
In December 1986 some key issues of China's open door experience were dramatized as Western viewers were treated to televised news scenes in which Chinese students marched through the streets holding up banners proclaiming demands for "freedom" and "democracy" and held public burnings of party-controlled newspapers, which they felt had misreported their activities. While these protests were linked to such internal issues as inadequate campus living conditions, authoritarian patterns of university governance, and malpractice in election processes to local people's congresses, the rhetoric invoked by students was clearly influenced by "bourgeois" liberal ideas introduced through the open door.1 It only has to be compared with the well-known sloganeering of the Cultural Revolution period, to which a nervous Chinese leadership made reference, to see the contrast. The official campaign against "bourgeois liberalization," which started with the removal of Hu Yaobang from his post as party secretary2 and proceeded to the expulsion of a small number of prominent and contentious intellectual figures from the party, seems also to have been affected by the open door. The relative moderation of this campaign was probably due to the concern of all factions within the Chinese leadership to maintain conditions of economic confidence and political moderation essential to success in a modernization program oriented toward the outside world. The Thirteenth Party Congress, held in October 1987, reinforced this direction. 相似文献
19.
冷战结束后,世界各国政党为争取不同阶层的选民,不再刻意宣扬意识形态的对立性,逐渐显现出包容性,意识形态出现了中间化趋势;为了增强自身的吸引力和凝聚力,更加注重经济建设,意识形态呈现出生活化趋势;社会转型以及网络信息的发展使人们不再坚守一种意识形态的号召,在市场化浪潮下,各种竞选公司、民调公司层出不穷,政党出现市场化运作,意识形态出现弱化趋势。 相似文献
20.
在我国宪政运动史上 ,有一支不可忽视而又被忽视了的力量———妇女。几乎从宪政在我国出现之日起 ,妇女就参与到了这场运动中来。在辛亥革命、 2 0世纪初的省宪法制定过程中以及围绕“国民会议”和“国民大会”的召开 ,她们为获得与男子平等的参政权进行了艰苦卓绝的斗争。尽管她们多是从女性的角度提出对宪法的要求 ,但这无疑是对“选举”、“平等”、“权利”等宪政基本观念的有力传播 ,许多人 ,尤其是一些下层的民众就是通过她们的活动了解了宪政。本文对我国近现代妇女在宪政方面的作用进行了梳理。 相似文献