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1.
ABSTRACTGlobal citizenship education (GCE) has recently been promoted by national education systems and supranational organisations as a means for facilitating social cohesion and peace education. We examined the perceptions of GCE held by teachers from the three main education sectors in Israel: secular-Jewish, religious-Jewish, and Palestinian Arab, and found stark differences in the way teachers from each sector interpreted the term. For marginalised groups (Palestinian Arab), GCE is seen as offering a way of securing a sense of belonging to a global society. For already well-resourced social groups (Jewish secular), GCE is viewed as a way of promoting global futures. Meanwhile, for the Jewish religious minority in Israel, GCE is seen as a threat to national identity and religious values. Our findings cast doubt on the unifying potential of GCE, and we conclude by calling upon scholars and policymakers to examine unique obstacles facing GCE in their various contexts. 相似文献
2.
Education for national identity: Arab schools principals and teachers dilemmas and coping strategies
AbstractThis article discusses strategies used by Arab principals and teachers in Israel to cope with dilemmas involved in education for national identity stemming from conflict between two national narratives. While the Israeli Ministry of Education expects the Arab education system to educate students according to the Jewish State’s values, Palestinian Arab society expects its schools to educate its children according to Palestinian Arab national-cultural values. A qualitative research employed a semi-structured interview to elicit views on this issue from 7 principals and 14 teachers in the Arab education system in Israel. The findings indicate a conflictual reality. Interviewees expressed fear, humiliation and affront when required to obey Ministry of Education instructions in contradiction to attitudes prevalent in their society. They therefore developed coping strategies to foster students’ national identity without disrupting the necessary balance; primarily the construction of a covert learning program through manipulations in the official overt learning program. This study contributes to our understanding of minority education in a reality of conflict between the state and its national minority. 相似文献
3.
Mark Murphy 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(5):345-360
There has been a recent general resurgence of interest in civil society, a resurgence that is also found in adult education. Radical adult educators, in particular, view civil society as the privileged sphere of radical learning and social change. It is seen as the site to engage in democratic struggle, social movements and political change. This new elevation of civil society is tied into a wider crisis on the political left ? the crisis of socialism. This crisis is reflected in the wider debates on the politics of civil society, a debate centred on the differences between Marxist and post-Marxist definitions of civil society. The purpose of this paper is to clarify this debate, and outline its implications for adult education theory and practice. To this end, the paper examines the history of the civil society idea, a history demonstrating that analyses of civil society need to be placed alongside understandings of the state and the market. These understandings of political and economic society provide the bases for two very different political agendas - socialism and radical democracy. The paper discusses how these two agendas impact on adult education, in particular how different analyses of the state/economy/civil society relationship suggest divergent conceptions of social conflict. 相似文献
4.
The article examines state-supported religious education and its consequences for civic attitudes in Indonesia and Israel, two democracies that grant religion a prominent place in the public sphere, particularly in education. The comparison reveals that while in Indonesia the state was able to gradually introduce a secular curriculum in religious schools and establish an accreditation system by which it could exert influence on the way religion is taught, in Israel, by contrast, state-funded religious schools over time became increasingly opposed to a mandatory ‘core curriculum’ of general studies. The comparison further suggests that in Indonesia the inclusion of a secular curriculum in religious schools in the 1970s should be seen as one of the factors promoting the production and dissemination of ‘rationalist approaches to religion’ and brought religious actors on board of democratisation, while in Israel the exclusion of a secular curriculum from religious schooling has undermined civic commitments among ultra-Orthodox Jewish citizens and as such weakened Israeli democracy. The article is based on public opinion data, data from the Ministries of Religion and Education, and court decisions in both countries. 相似文献
5.
The Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel, one-fifth of the country's population, has been underrepresented in Israeli institutions of higher education since the establishment of the state. This article focuses on the authors’ shared aim of promoting diversity and multiculturalism in institutions of higher education in Israel. It first introduces Arab marginalisation within Israeli society as a whole. Subsequently, it offers a critical overview of existing data and research on the challenges faced by young Arab-Palestinians in higher education institutions in Israel. Based on this indispensable analysis, which clearly shows the numerous obstacles that await Arab-Palestinians on their path to graduation, the article goes on to suggest some required changes. Presenting some useful policy transformations and courses of action, it subsequently introduces multicultural academia as a better conceptual and practical framework for achieving inclusive education. 相似文献
6.
Two distinctive paradigms have been used in researching higher education phenomena in China’s process of social transformation. The first might be described as “critical realist,” and the second as “interpretivist.” The book Portraits of 21st Century Chinese Universities: In the Move to Mass Higher Education, has inclined toward the second paradigm and a central concept is that of “civil society.” However, the authors of this article argue that the concept of “commercial civil society” may better explain the characteristics of Chinese private higher education. Different from civil society that is based on voluntary action and contributions, commercial civil society is characterized by profit making behavior. This article focuses on analyzing the profit making features of Chinese private higher education, and thus aims to supplement the interpretivist analysis presented in the book. The authors believe that the concept of “commercial civil society” not only reflects certain features of the social environment in which Chinese private higher education operates, but may also be helpful for analyzing private higher education phenomena in other countries. 相似文献
7.
现代社会、现代性与公民教育 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
现代社会的特征决定了它必然是一个公民社会,在其中,公民是独立、自由而又主动的社会参与者。但是,现代社会又必然产生现代性问题,因为现代性使人们远离公共领域而活在自我的空间内,使现代社会失去公民社会的真义。因此,现代性本身又是颠覆现代社会的,这就需要通过公民教育来保卫公共性、捍卫公共价值并引导人体认自身的公民身份,以弥合现代性问题给现代社会造成的断裂。中国公民教育存在的问题是:在集体主义与个人主义两方面的影响下产生权利与义务的分离。为了抵制这种分离给公民社会所带来的现代性断裂,亟需通过公民教育引导学生从社会层面来理解权利与义务,以培养拥有健全而统一的权利和义务观的现代公民。 相似文献
8.
In May 2008 nearly 90,000 people died in the most powerful earthquake in modern Chinese history. Many were students killed in substandard schools, creating a sensitive disaster zone inside a nation whose civil society organizations are beginning to flourish. This paper examines the education earthquake relief program of an international NGO, and the institutional environment the organization worked in. We argue that the restricted environment prevented implementation of high-impact programs in the most deprived places, but that the NGO needed to use the institutional opening created by the earthquake to establish a presence as an agent in China's development. 相似文献
9.
Most countries of the world have experienced a revival in civic education in recent years. Issues of globalization, migration,
national identity, citizenship, democracy, and civil society have forced them to devise, or reflect upon, some form of civic
education for their schools. This is certainly the case for many countries in the Asian region. We have sought to identify
appropriate pedagogy for teaching civics and citizenship in schools across the Asian region. From the literature it was possible
to identify four categories of pedagogical strategies for civics and citizenship education which are applicable to the great
variety of Asian schools. The categories are: 1) class-based, passive — cognitive pedagogies; 2) school-based, passive — cognitive
pedagogies; 3) class-based, participative-active pedagogies; and 4) school-based, participative-active pedagogies. Some of
these strategies appear more promising than others in Asian schools given that traditional, didactic teaching strategies dominate.
What looks most promising include: whole school pedagogical strategies; critical thinking, particularly through group work;
a variety of cooperative learning strategies including group problem-solving exercises; school-based activity learning; and
the use of a technology such as CD ROMs as a resource. It is unlikely only one pedagogical strategy will prove to be singularly
effective with civics. A more probable outcome will be that a combination of strategies will be most effective. Future research
will provide suggestions as to the composition of that set of pedagogical strategies. 相似文献
10.
Tonic Maruatona 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(6):476-491
The paper examines the potential role of adult education in the empowerment of civil society in Botswana. It shows that adult education can be instrumental in the empowerment of trade unions as organs of civil society in a liberal democracy. It argues that the country's democratic tradition can be sustained by a strong civil society. The paper traces the history of trade unions in Botswana showing that the state has mostly weakened them through legislation. It is contended that individuals participate in trade unions as their mouthpiece when they are in trouble with capital. Most trade union members reported not being aware of adult education activities in Botswana. The paper explores some of the weaknesses of the unions and suggests how adult education provision from adult basic education to adult and continuing education at the university could help to redress the workers' problems. It concludes by mapping out some practical ways in which adult education could empower the unions in Botswana as it has done elsewhere. 相似文献
11.
This paper examines the Civil Society Education Fund’s (CSEF) impact on the non-governmental organisation education partnership (NEP) in Cambodia. With financial backing from the World Bank and the Fast Track Initiative, the CSEF is an initiative that is managed internationally by the Global Campaign for Education. Its goal is to help national networks of non-governmental organizations participate in education decision-making and to serve as a watchdog for progress related to internationally agreed upon goals. Through the CSEF, the deployment of various strategies, and other external factors, the NEP was able to able to achieve recognition, legitimacy and influence at the national level. However, the NEP has had to balance working with the state and working for the state. This case study highlights strategies used by civil society actors to engage state actors, the efficacy of international support, and the conflicts inherent in both. 相似文献
12.
Jonathan Kasler Yousef T. Jabareen 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2017,21(12):1261-1275
Research comparing special education for Jews and for Palestinian Arabs in Israel outlines major inequalities. This situation has remained largely unchanged for decades and there is little evidential reason to believe there will be improvement in the near future. Palestinian children requiring special education are adversely affected by a combination of institutionalised discrimination and neglect and the implications of living in a traditional society that is reluctant to adopt outlooks necessary for modernising education, particularly for children with special needs. To the best of our knowledge, no overview of special education for the Palestinian minority in Israel has been published in English to date. While change is most likely to occur as a result of effective activism within the Palestinian Arab community, high rates of poverty and political marginalisation remain a daunting obstacle. 相似文献
13.
Based on the demands of qualified civil engineers in China, integrated knowledge structure, multi-level knowledge and abilities of innovation, adaptation, cooperation, communication and organization are set forth as the goals of civil engineering education. The predicaments of civil engineering education are discussed. Three challenges, that is, student-centred education, dynamics of education organization and open education, are highlighted in this paper to draw the attention of educators, construction practitioners, industry leaders and legislators. 相似文献
14.
Romania is perceived as the most corrupt EU member state according to Transparency International Corruption Perception Index. In 2008–2009, a grassroots coalition of civil society organizations and education stakeholders created the Coalition for Clean Universities which organized the first assessment of integrity of the Romanian higher education system, The Coalition evaluated 42 state universities on the basis of an original methodology, in terms of Administrative Integrity, Academic Integrity, Democratic Governance, Academic Governance and Sound Finance for a time internal of one academic year. The evaluation found systemic problems in the organization and functioning of university life, and attributed them to the failure to build accountability systems at university level following decentralization of higher education after 1989. The results, in the form of a ranking of universities, were made public and hotly debated, creating a major incentive for universities to compete for a better public image, and therefore for reform of their practices. 相似文献
15.
Nuraan Davids 《British Journal of Religious Education》2015,37(3):311-325
In its remonstrations against male patriarchy, common understandings of Islamic feminism have, on the one hand, claimed attachment to other forms of feminism. On the other hand, because of its location within the structures of Qur’anic exegesis and prophetic traditions, it has claimed a detachment from what has been understood as the largely secular base of other forms of feminism. Inasmuch, however, as there continues to be disagreement about feminism in its conceptions of the identity of women, gender recognition and inclusion, Islamic feminism has remained unproblematised. In this article, I wish to address two questions. Firstly, to what extent is Islamic feminism based on a bifurcationist or divergent understanding of Islamic education? And secondly, to what extent should Islamic feminism be reconsidered as a discourse of Islamic education? In addressing these questions, I argue that there are two possible solutions to the prevalence of social inequality experienced by Muslim women. One is a reformation of Islamic education. And secondly, that Muslim women need to engage and deliberate with the discourse of the Qur’an, so that they can begin to bring into contestation the privilege of male interpretation. 相似文献
16.
This article presents the results of a survey of 459 Jewish and Arab students at two public colleges in Israel in 2005. The study aimed at gaining understanding of Arab students' access to higher education in comparison to access of Jewish students by the objective obstacles to such access as reflected in the admission profiles and socio‐economic background of Jewish and Arab students at two public colleges. Analyses indicated that these academic campuses constitute a site of encounter for two very different population groups, a fact that has significant implications for access and admission policies, and student aid programs. The findings of this study are the first step in further consideration of issues relating to equal opportunities and access to higher education for Arab students, and shed light on potential means for reducing the gaps between Arab students and their Jewish counterparts. 相似文献
17.
This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the
extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly
perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel’s Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate
the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal
citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following
reason: Israel’s national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity
provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the
shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of
their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift
is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state
era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy
and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles.
It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or
allow them some form of political autonomy. 相似文献
18.
Ichilov Orit 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(3):219-242
Civic education teachers instruct in a field that is institutionally ill-defined and highly sensitive to the macro-political cultures of nations and the micro-political culture of schools within these nations. Teachers' performance greatly depends on both their professional qualifications and their perceptions of central social issues. The purpose of the study is to examine the professional background of upper-secondary civic education teachers in Israel, their perceptions concerning issues related to democracy in general and to existing rifts within Israeli society in particular, and their views on school climate. The study reveals differences between teachers in Arab and Hebrew religious and regular state schools on issues that are related to rifts within Israeli society. This, in turn, can create differential climates of opinion in schools that would nurture and perpetuate existing rifts. 相似文献
19.
PETER LEMISH 《Cambridge Journal of Education》2003,33(1):53-72
As distinguished from the formal, political science-oriented citizenship curriculum studied exclusively in secondary schools, civic education-learning develops throughout the young-mature citizen's life in Israel. The analysis of the role and learning of two primary civic myths--'Israel is a Jewish and a democratic state' and 'Israelis are Jews'--demonstrates how this learning takes place through 'formations' of hegemony such as the family, the media, civic militarism as well as through schools' statist and social curricula. Successes of civic education enable the civic myths to be vibrant, gestalt worlds of meaning for Jewish Israelis, and sites of resistance for ultra-orthodox Jewish as well as Palestinian citizens of Israel. On the other hand, as an ethnocracy, democracy in civic Israel is not a meaningful world of value but rather a means to manage political processes. Therefore, the Israel case study is insightful for understanding the limitations of civic and citizenship education that seeks to advance democratic-oriented values such as human rights, liberty, justice, tolerance, civility, coexistence, pluralism and an alternative concept of Israel as a civil society. 相似文献
20.
Hanan A. Alexander 《Religious education (Chicago, Ill.)》2013,108(4):471-494
Abstract In this article the author argues that for 150 years Jewish education has negotiated the tensions between modernity and Judaism by means of liberal religion, ultra Orthodoxy, and secular Zionism. All three are in crisis today due to the rise of postmodernism. Jewish educational thought therefore needs to create new syntheses between Jewish and postmodern life. To this end the concepts of Aliyah, modernity, and exile should be reevaluated and Jewish education should embrace the goal of working with God toward redemption. For more than 150 years Jewish education has focused on the tensions between rabbinic Judaism and modernity. Each of the models for negotiating these tensions-religious liberalism, ultra orthodoxy, and secular Zionism-succeeded beyond the imaginations of those who conceived them. Yet, each is in a state of crisis today, resulting from a deconstruction of both the rabbinic and modern assumptions upon which they are based. Addressing these crises requires reevaluation of key assumptions about the educational significance of Israel, modernity, and exile in order to lay the groundwork for more productive interactions between the Jewish people and its heritage on the one hand and the postmodern condition into which we are emerging on the other. 相似文献