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1.
This article offers an account of the understanding citizens need in order to justify moral principles in the public sphere and it identifies an important role for moral education in the promotion of that civic understanding. I develop this account through a contrastive analysis of Phillip Kitcher’s conception of public knowledge and Jurgen Habermas’ Discourse Ethics. Kitcher is focused on the social conditions necessary for the circulation of scientific knowledge in advanced democracies; the analysis offered in this article expands on what Habermas and other deliberative democrats claim are epistemic conditions necessary for the construction and circulation of moral understanding. I use this account to critically assess public policy that aims to ‘get around’ public deliberation by using strategies derived from behavioral economics in order to shift civic behavior in specific (moral) directions. Finally, I specify how such strategies have the potential to undermine moral understanding in the public sphere and I argue for a central role for moral education in mitigating such effects.  相似文献   

2.
In this article I revisit MacIntyre's lecture on the idea of an educated public. I argue that the full significance of MacIntyre's views on the underlying purposes of universities only become clear when his lecture on the educated public is situated in the context of his wider ‘revolutionary Aristotelian’ philosophical project. I claim that for MacIntyre educational institutions should both support students to learn how to think for themselves and act for the common good. After considering criticisms from Putnam, Wain and Harris I conclude that MacIntyre's later work points towards an idea of educated ‘community’ that is more outward looking and open to difference than his earlier articulated idea of an educated ‘public’.  相似文献   

3.
This article reflects on the desire to defend and claim public education amidst the educational policy effects of contemporary neoliberal politics. The defence of public education, from schools to higher education, undoubtedly provides a powerful counter-veiling weight to the neoliberal policy logic of education-as-individual-value-accrual. At a time of intense global policy reform centred on marketisation in education, the public education institutions of the post-war welfare state are often characterised as being lost, attacked, encroached upon and dismantled. In this paper, I contend it is important to avoid mobilising a memory of public educational pasts that do not account for their failings and inequalities. Turning to a historical engagement with the emergence of neoliberal politics, the paper explores how challenges and contestations surrounding ‘the public’ from multiple standpoints converged in the rise of neoliberalism. Recognition of these convergences and contestations, I suggest, assists to provide a more nuanced account of the relationship between neoliberal reform and the welfare state, and thus of the complex task of imagining, claiming and working towards a just and equitable public education.  相似文献   

4.
This paper begins from the premise that school–business partnerships are part of marketization and privatization trends within education and the broader public sphere in several western industrialized countries. In contrast to a dominant construction of partnerships as necessary, benevolent, and unproblematic, I consider the idea that they represent a potential threat to democratic participation. I do this through a case analysis of a partnership between a high school and corporation in Alberta, Canada that was dissolved in 1996. Through interviews, I reconstruct some of the events leading to the dissolution and provide insights into the social processes that are revealed in the case. I conclude by arguing that while the case highlights the problematic aspects of this particular partnership, it also raises more general questions about the goal congruence of private and public institutions and about the implications of such generally lop-sided relationships for schools as public institutions.  相似文献   

5.
Scholarship of counterpublics has long illuminated the rhetorical dynamics whereby the dominant public excludes marginalized groups from the public sphere and labels them undeserving of coexistence. However, the hypertextual architecture of the internet upends this inside–outside distinction, inverting challenges to and opportunities for a counterpublic. As illustrated by the course of “RaceFail ’09,” a debate over cultural appropriation and racism in online science fiction and fantasy fandom, the internet’s architecture makes it easy for a counterpublic to enter and draw attention from the broad public but much more difficult to maintain separation and preserve its boundaries from unwanted encroachment. Here I reread the norms of inclusion and transparency as historically specific constructs of canonical public sphere theories, and propose a consideration of particular challenges that counterpublics encounter online, including imposed labor, difficulty of withdrawal, and unwanted attention. I end the article with a proposal for civil inattention as a potential ethic for coexistence of publics and counterpublics on the internet.  相似文献   

6.
This conceptual article explores the notion of educational researchers operating as public intellectuals. To do this, I situate my analysis within a broader tradition of public intellectual work in the American academy. I also offer a framework for three specific forms of public intellectual work, supported by relevant examples, which can be taken up by educational researchers. I then raise critical issues, concerns, and tensions that complicate such work, and conclude by offering suggestions for better linking educational research to the broader public. Although this article focuses largely on researchers working within the university context, particularly tenure-line faculty, many of its insights are applicable to independent researchers, policy analysts, or others working within the broadly defined field of educational research.  相似文献   

7.
Selection decisions have a major impact on our education, occupation, and quality of life, and the role of standardized tests in selection has always been a source of controversy. Here, I consider various definitions of fairness in measurement and selection—those emerging from within educational measurement and statistics, those from philosophy, and finally, those from the public. I use examples of public challenges to selection practices to illustrate the fact that technical and philosophical definitions of fairness do not align well with public concerns. I emphasize the importance of promoting awareness of existing standards, advocating for the fair use of testing and selection practices, and communicating in a candid and straightforward way when engaging with test takers and test users.  相似文献   

8.
Abstract

This paper sets out to reimagine education through a cultural perspective and explores education as a performative practice that establishes certain borders of ‘public’ belonging. Wide-spread debates about the public dimension of schools and universities have focused on how economic rationales need to be replaced with alternative visions of education. This paper seeks to contribute to this revisioning of the public in education by reclaiming education as a specifically cultural endeavour, one tied to practices that are at once both performative and aesthetic. To this end, I draw on theoretical notions of publicity that highlight its performative character. I then offer a reading of a socially engaged art project in order to suggest ways in which this performative character of publicity can be seen to be educational. This paper argues that education itself emerges through various cultural enactments that delineate the contours of who counts as a public and who does not.  相似文献   

9.
In discussing reform of public schools, the conversation is usually about schools; in this article I examine the meaning of public, drawing on Dewey's (1927/1954/1988) understanding of the nature of a public and its importance to democratic life. Vouchers and other market challenges to public education are a danger to the existence of a public, and a threat to democratic life. I consider the relevant differences between publics, markets, and audiences, and their relation to democracy. Finally, I consider public schools as both a reflection of public will and a central means to create a public.  相似文献   

10.
Bill Clinton's 1993 Memorial Day speech at the Vietnam Wall is an example of amnestic rhetoric, which seeks to discourage public debate and to diminish public memory. In this essay I argue that Clinton's epideictic discourse camouflages an act of apologia in which he defends his controversial opposition to the Vietnam War. Second, I argue that Clinton simultaneously directs his audience's attention away from the past and toward the future, urging them to remember the buried, but to bury the memory of Vietnam. Third, I argue that the speech culminates with an act of rhetorical investiture for Clinton as commander in chief. Finally, I propose the concept of amnestic rhetoric as an addition to public memory scholarship.  相似文献   

11.
There are currently both scientific and public debates surrounding Darwinism. In the scientific debate, the details of evolution are in dispute, but not the central thesis of Darwin??s theory; in the public debate, Darwinism itself is questioned. I concentrate on the public debate because of its direct impact on education in the United States. Some critics of Darwin advocate the teaching of intelligent design theory along with Darwin??s theory, and others seek to eliminate even the mention of evolution from science classes altogether. Many of these critics base their objections on the claim that non-living matter cannot give rise to living matter. After considering some of the various meanings assigned to ??vitalism?? over the years, I argue that a considerable portion of Darwin deniers support a literal version of vitalism that is not scientifically respectable. Their position seems to be that since life cannot arise naturally, Darwin??s theory accomplishes nothing: If it can only account for life forms changing from one to another (even this is disputed by some) but not how life arose in the first place, what??s the point? I argue that there is every reason to believe that living and non-living matter differ only in degree, not in kind, and that all conversation about Darwinism should start with the assumption that abiogenesis is possible unless or until compelling evidence of its impossibility is presented. That is, I advocate a position that the burden of proof lies with those who claim ??Life only comes from life.?? Until that case is made, little weight should be given to their position.  相似文献   

12.
In the process of discussing the significant contributions that Len Barton has made to the sociology of education and to disability studies, I argue that a good deal of critical analyses of power and inequality in education are impoverished by some of their essentialist and reductive tendencies. I use an example taken from disability rights to show how parts of these tendencies can be overcome. I suggest that disability rights movements provide powerful possibilities for the interruption of capitalist ideological forms and their attendant ways of organising and controlling labour. They do this by challenging some of the most fundamental assumptions that underpin capitalist economies and ways of life. By strongly resisting the ways in which paid work and paid workers are treated, new relations are made possible. I connect this example to some of the insightful analyses of the place of affective equality in the struggle for social justice in both a politics of redistribution and a politics of recognition. Building on these arguments, I then argue for a broadened conception of critical research and critical action. I describe nine tasks in which the critical scholar/activists should engage if they are to be true to an enlarged conception of the ‘public intellectual’ and ‘public sociologist’.  相似文献   

13.
After evaluating arguments for teaching a religion course in public schools, and finding the most common ones less than convincing, I provide a justification rooted in the unique mission of public education. I then suggest that two types of courses, Bible Literature and World Religion, could, if properly taught, serve this mission in a unique way. I also provide a set of minimum guidelines for teachers if religion courses are to be appropriate for public schools.  相似文献   

14.
In this text, which was originally delivered as a speech, I discuss the massive critique of teachers in the public discourse on education in Sweden over the last decade. I speak in defence of teachers, and since I am a teacher I speak in defence of myself. The critique of teachers, schooling, and teacher education has been so overbearing that a purely rational response is simply not possible. Therefore, my response is rhetorical in tone. In highlighting the passion of teaching, I lift something central for teachers, which is seldom or never taught about teaching in teacher education. Neither is the passion of teaching present in the public discourse on education. Passion, I argue in the article, is that which adds excess or an overflow of meaning that cannot be contained within the order of discourse and which therefore puts this discourse out of balance. Finally, I discuss a new balance beyond this order in the context of a classroom. In a concluding section, I highlight the struggle over borders which define who can speak and think in “good” order and who cannot.  相似文献   

15.
Contemporary campaigns for public education rest upon an assumption that public schools are fundamental to an equitable and inclusive society. In this paper, I reflect on this presumption by exploring the inherent tensions of the meaning and practice of ‘public’ education, especially when the ‘public’ in public schooling is linked to political contestation and change in relation to the nation state. In particular, this discussion considers the ways in which the contemporary heightened racial politics of fear of ‘Muslim radicalisation’ structures the ways in which the state creates boundaries surrounding ‘public’ schooling. Here, analysis of recent governmental attempts to addresses the concern of ‘radicalisation’ in schools reveals the difficulties the nation state faces in defining what exactly is the ‘public’, and demonstrates how the politics of race and fear become overarching logics in the constitution of the Australian ‘public’. These logics risk creating exclusions and boundaries in public schooling, which, I argue here, have repercussions for the defence and claim to public education more broadly.  相似文献   

16.
Charter schools are a relatively new phenomenon in American education. Since the first charter school opened in Minnesota in 1991, they have expanded to 42 states and represent 6.2% of all public schools in the country.1 This growth has been attributed to a number of factors, chief among them evidence that charter schools can improve performance (Lamdin and Mintrom, 1997). While there is a substantial evidence for relative performance benefits of charter schooling (e.g. CREDO, 2015) far less research been conducted on the efficiency of charter schools relative to traditional public schools. What research there is has produced both positive (e.g. Wolf et. al., 2014) and negative results (e.g. Carpenter and Noller, 2010). What can account for the disparity in these findings? In this paper, I make the case that differences in charter efficiency may be accounted for by differences in their level of autonomy from the school district. I base this argument on economic theories that the devolution of power to the lowest level possible tends to produce gains in efficiency (Johnson, 1991; Duncombe and Yinger, 1997). Those that are “on the ground” are thought to be more effective at monitoring expenditures, and allocations of resources have to pass through less ‘red tape (Hess 2006).’ In addition, more autonomous charter schools better fit the original purpose of charter schools in devolving power from centralized authorities (Budde, 1996). In order to test this theory, I take advantage of a unique situation that exists in Milwaukee, Wisconsin in which three types of charter schools with varying levels of autonomy operate simultaneously. Using school type as a proxy for autonomy, I find that more independent charter schools are more efficient than traditional public schools and charter schools with less autonomy.  相似文献   

17.
Some parents and caregivers, frustrated by low academic performance of their local school, emphasis on testing, or the content of the curriculum, have worked independently or formed parent groups to speak out and demand improvements. Parents and families enact solutions such as opting out of tests, developing alternative curricula, invoking parent trigger laws, and withdrawing their children from public schools. When engaged well, these outcries of family dissent can be used to improve public schools and to keep them truly public. In this article, I define good dissent and show how it keeps schools healthy. I examine the actions, publications, and web sites of major parent organizations and individual parents to argue that some parents are demonstrating good and admirable dissent that can help improve school quality, parent satisfaction with schools, and student experiences in them; others not only fail to employ good dissent, but may actually be hurting the viability of our public schools and the type of graduate they produce.  相似文献   

18.
School field trips and the curriculum of public spaces   总被引：3，自引：2，他引：1  
Drawing on material from an ethnographic study, I examine transformations in the nature of public spaces for children, and the school's role in producing those spaces. Space is treated as a product of social practice, not simply a frame for it. I contend that, as young children are increasingly immobilized in urban landscapes, school field trips become critical occasions for introducing them to, and framing their participation in, public spaces. I focus primarily on a field trip to an art museum in a redeveloped downtown, and then look briefly at a different type of trip, illustrated by a visit to Thomas Jefferson's Monticello.  相似文献   

19.
Utilizing a 4-year longitudinal dataset (2007−08 to 2010−11) of 212 public secondary schools from two districts in Nepal, I conduct panel regression analyses to determine the association between public school high stakes examination outcomes and measures of private sector competition. I find that there does not seem to be a significant positive or negative association between public school outcomes and the extent of private competition in recent years. However, there is evidence to suggest that the gap between public and private school outcomes is higher in localities with higher private sector growth, providing suggestive evidence of stratification.  相似文献   

20.
In this essay, I use the rhetorical approach of generic criticism to analyze issues management campaigns: instances of public relations discourse in which an organization makes explicit efforts to influence public policy. There are striking similarities among contemporary organizations’ issues management campaigns in terms of their organizing principle, situational requirements, and substantive and stylistic characteristics. Using a structurational perspective, I illustrate the genre rules (Yates &; Orlikowski, 1992) that serve as the medium and outcome of this discourse. Throughout the essay, I employ the University of Minnesota's recent attempt to increase its public funding during a period of institutional transition to explicate the genre rules.

This article outlines a framework for the analysis of issues management campaigns and provides a first step toward the development of a structuational theory of their genre rules. Moreover, it argues that a rhetorical approach to the study of such organizational communication creates fresh insights and understandings in an area traditionally dominated by a focus on effects.  相似文献   

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