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1.
This article focuses on the joint attempt by the Singapore Government and the minority Malay Community during the decade from 1982 to 1992, primarily through the formation of Mendaki (the Council on Education for Muslim Children), to tackle the problem of Malay educational underachievement. It analyzes the complex interplay of social, economic and political factors that led to the formation of Mendaki. The strategies adopted by Mendaki to improve Malay educational achievement will also be examined, along with the problems it encountered, in particular with regard to its legitimacy among the Malay community. A major theme running through the article is that the issue of Malay educational underachievement is closely related to, and cannot be considered in isolation from, wider political, social and economic trends pertaining to the problems of interethnic harmony in a multiethnic society . 相似文献
2.
期望中的教师专业性:政策文本分析的视角 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
教师被认为是教育改革成败的关键.在变革的社会中,政府、家长、社会团体等利益相关者对教师素质的要求各不相同,同时对教师专业性概念也有不同的诠释.其中,政府颁布的各种教育改革政策对教师工作的影响越来越频繁、直接.本文运用文本分析的方法对我国相关教师政策加以梳理,以期揭示国家政策对教师专业性的规定及其内涵. 相似文献
3.
Currently, threats to societal security from extremist groups are high on the political agenda in many countries. Politicians, policymakers at various levels and communities are searching for methods to counteract recruitment to violent organizations. These efforts are often referred to as Prevention of Violent Extremism (PVE-programmes). One of the earliest PVE programmes in Europe was the British PREVENT programme, and it has to some extent served as a model for other countries, including Sweden. In this article, we scrutinize a particular method, inspired by the PREVENT, and developed by the Swedish National Coordinator against violent extremism, called The Conversation Compass (CC) intended for so-called front-line workers. This article reports an analysis of this method in order to provide a broader understanding of how the discourse on preventing violent extremism meanders from political and policy discourses into claims about how to organize educational practices and social work and the regulations under which these institutions operate. The results show that the CC contributes to a securitization of the educational system in ways that are not in line with educational traditions of schools in Sweden, or with the laws and policies that regulate the educational system. 相似文献
4.
Rethinking accountability in a knowledge society 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
Pasi Sahlberg 《Journal of Educational Change》2010,11(1):45-61
Competition between schools combined with test-based accountability to hold schools accountable for predetermined knowledge
standards have become a common solution in educational change efforts to improve the performance of educational systems around
the world. This is happening as family and community social capital declines in most parts of developed world. Increased competition
and individualism are not necessarily beneficial to creating social capital in schools and their communities. This article
argues that: (1) the evidence remains controversial that test-based accountability policies improve the quality and efficiency
of public education; (2) the current practice of determining educational performance by using primarily standardized knowledge
tests as the main means of accountability is not a necessary condition for much needed educational improvement; and (3) there
is growing evidence that increased high-stakes testing is restricting students’ conceptual learning, engaging in creative
action and understanding innovation, all of which are essential elements of contemporary schooling in a knowledge society.
Finland is used as an example to suggest that educational change should rather contribute to increasing networking and social
capital in schools and in their communities through building trust and strengthening collective responsibilities within and
between schools. This would create better prospects of worthwhile lifelong learning in and out of schools. Based on this analysis,
the article concludes that education policies should be directed at promoting more intelligent forms of accountability to
meet external accountability demands and to encourage cooperation rather than competition among students, teachers and schools. 相似文献
5.
Farhan Ali 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2016,36(4):473-487
Singaporean students generally perform very well in international tests of mathematics and science. Nonetheless, in multi-cultural Singapore, there exist gaps with the Malays, a minority group in Singapore, systematically lagging behind the other ethnic groups of the Chinese and Indians in many educational performance indicators. While there have been previous qualitative assessments of this issue, rigorous statistical analyses are lacking. In this article, I analyse data from 1991 to 2011 of aggregate percentage passes in national examinations for the different ethnic groups in Singapore. Using time series techniques and regression, I uncovered two major findings. First, the Malay trends in percentage passes for the last two decades were strongly correlated with the non-Malay, national trends. Second, despite the correlation, there remained fluctuations around the national trend by Malay cohorts in the past two decades. Malay cohorts tended to perform better during an upward national trend, but also performed worse during a downward national trend, indicating systematic volatility in performance. The implications of these findings are discussed in the light of current research on educational gaps and three decades of community self-help to improve the educational achievement of the minority Malays in Singapore. 相似文献
6.
Linda Eyre 《Gender and education》2000,12(3):293-307
Sexual harassment in university communities is, at best, understood as the exercise of power by deviant individuals and is dealt with through sexual harassment policies, grievance procedures, reprimands and educational measures. Through a discursive analysis of one case of sexual harassment, this article illustrates how power is not merely attached to specific individuals. Rather, university communities provide the conditions under which sexual harassment is naturalised. The article illustrates how conservative and liberal discourses of academic freedom, juridical interpretations of collective agreements, and anti-feminist backlash discourses shaped knowledge in the public domain, while the voices of women students and feminist discourses on sexual harassment were either marginalised or silenced. The article supports the view that the discursive framing of sexual harassment constitutes power relations in the academy and ultimately legitimises sexual harassment. The article offers some discursive strategies for dealing with sexual harassment in university communities. 相似文献
7.
This article explores the effects of national policies associated with “Education for All” on a disadvantaged region, the highlands of Lesotho. Since 2000 a programme of “Free Primary Education” has improved the position of the highlands in access to primary schooling; nevertheless, highland primary schools compare poorly with those in the lowlands on various indicators of pupils’ outcomes and school resources. They are also found to have relatively difficult relations with local communities. The paper reflects critically on the management of the “Free Primary Education” initiative and the implications for educational opportunity and for community empowerment in the highlands region. 相似文献
8.
Changing patterns of school enrolment in Australia 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Geoffrey Partington 《The Australian Educational Researcher》1990,17(3):65-84
The various explanations offered for the decline in government school enrolments since the mid-1970s are considered in this article. Changing parental perceptions of the educational strengths and weaknesses of school systems are held to be of critical importance. Changes in government funding policy have been very important too, in their effects not only on enrolments but also on the educational policies of some non-government schools and, indeed, whole systems. The need is stressed for further research into parental concerns about education and the effects of funding policies on educational decisions. 相似文献
9.
Laurette Bristol 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2013,17(8):802-820
In Australia, recent policies for educational development have emphasised the importance of stakeholder involvement and advocacy in the promotion of student outcomes. There is robust support for the promotion and development of inclusive educational communities able to respond to the various educational needs of students, communities and staff. This paper advocates a practice perspective and establishes a direct correlation between leading practices and the formation of more inclusive school communities. It provides a consideration of the practice architectures which co-construct the ways in which six educational leaders draw on the potential of teacher talk as a vehicle for practice modification. Teacher talk, as a characteristic of leading practice, responds to the increasing dynamism in the profile of schools, students and teachers in rural New South Wales (NSW), socially, cognitively, economically, linguistically and culturally. This paper uses the medium of teacher talk to: explore the relationship between leading and inclusion – leading-for-inclusion – and interrogate socially just (inclusive) practices in the domain of the professional advocacy of the community. The paper reflects upon the practices of leading-for-inclusion (in the context of change management) and the development of more inclusive school cultures. 相似文献
10.
Claudia Matus 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2017,38(2):235-248
This article draws attention to the uses of affect to produce specific subjectivities and moralities in educational policies. It highlights the connections between specific ideas of the educated subject, the family role presented in governmental educational policies in Chile, and the ways these ideas are linked to the subjectivities and communities which the market requires to function. My argument is that with different intensities, affect regulation has become a strategic component of a government that articulates the relation between ‘right ways to behave at home’ and ‘school success’. As a result, affect makes conservative cultural dispositions look natural. I use discourse analysis to show how these policies use affect to control and monitor behaviors and personal relations, as well circulating cultural logics and ideological structures. I analyze one particular document to show how affect does not work through meanings per se; rather, it circulates productive ideas of families, students' behaviors, and social and cultural frames to organize a ‘good life’. 相似文献
11.
Jessica Shiller 《Educational Studies A Journal of the American Educational Studies Association》2013,49(2):160-173
The objective of this article is to critically examine a school reform effort that has taken hold in New York City over the past seven years. A largely privately funded venture, the New Century Schools Initiative (NCSI), opened hundreds of new small high schools in poor urban communities in New York City starting in 2002. The theory behind opening small schools on a such a large scale has come from market principles of competition and consumer choice. By flooding the market with hundreds of schools, competition for students would, in turn, drive up the quality of the schools. Although support appears to be ubiquitous for the market-based reforms in New York City, this article argues that we need to look critically at reforms like NCSI, especially with the recent failure of market-driven policies to deliver on their promises. Using neoliberalism as a conceptual framework, this article asks two main questions: (a) How do neoliberal school reform policies play out in individual schools? and (b) To what extent do neoliberal policies contribute or detract from educational equity? 相似文献
12.
The main question in our study was: which success factors and obstacles can be expected in the Netherlands when implementing a new, decentralised policy relating to educational disadvantage? Part of this research was to look at international experiences of decentralised policies to combat educational disadvantage. Thus three countries were studied in this context and their policies analysed and compared via a literature study and interviews with various experts. In this article we first report on changes in Dutch policy to combat educational disadvantage and then we describe the decentralised educational-disadvantage approach in the three countries chosen: England/Wales, the United States and Australia. Evaluation of the processes and results in these countries leads to predictions of the success of the Dutch policy reforms. 相似文献
13.
Jozef Miškolci 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2016,20(2):199-213
The fall of Communist regime in 1989 and the dissolution of Czechoslovakia in 1993 significantly affected the educational system of today's Slovakia. As a sovereign state, Slovakia has ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities obliging its signatories to practise ‘inclusive education’. This article explores the current educational policies of the Slovak Republic in light of this obligation. Using the official statistical data the article argues that the current state educational policies have not succeeded in meeting the objective of practising inclusive education, as the proportion of students educated in segregated special educational provisions has been consistently rising over the last decade. This article attempts to identify particular aspects of the current educational policies which might have contributed to this phenomenon. 相似文献
14.
Christopher Bondy 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2014,34(1):93-106
Examining the gap between national level minority education policies and local implementation in Japan, this paper considers this gap as a “soft middle” whereby local communities and schools have considerable leeway in how they implement policies. In particular, this paper focuses on Japan's largest minority group, the burakumin and their educational experiences. It traces the origins of educational policies targeting burakumin and how these policies were designed with this soft middle in mind. Following this, the paper considers two different localized approaches, both under policies directed at the burakumin and after the termination of such policies. It argues that schools can selectively implement policies while still fitting within the parameters of the law. Finally, it demonstrates that considering the soft middle provides for a richer, more nuanced understanding of educational systems, beyond monolithic assumptions of national systems. 相似文献
15.
This article focuses on the effect of the Covid-19 crisis on education systems in Indonesia. It describes and illuminates various curricular responses, from nation-based actions to policies by the office of the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Indonesia. The article asks: How does the Covid-19 crisis affect education systems, activities, policies, and practices in the Indonesia archipelago? How has the central government responded to the Covid-19 crisis within educational institutions? What do these institutions’ curricular responses look like? What are some of the guiding curricular principles of schooling, teaching, and learning emerging and circulating during the Covid-19 crisis and within educational institutions’ efforts to revive educational life, possibilities, and continuance? It is hoped that this article on the case of Indonesia will promote and contribute to new sharing of the global understanding of curriculum responsiveness, teaching, learning, policy, and practice during the current Covid-19 crisis.
相似文献16.
Gunther M Hega 《Compare》2001,31(2):205-227
This article argues that identity and language issues exert a powerful influence on the politics and policies of education in Switzerland. Regional and local linguistic and cultural differences affect the education policies of the Swiss federal government, the 26 Swiss cantons, and the more than 3000 Swiss communities. Switzerland's highly decentralized political system and its mechanisms of direct democratic citizens' participation force educational policy-makers at the national, regional, and local level to take into account not only their own locality's culture and language, but also that of their neighboring towns, cantons, and regions. The article uses the example of the introduction of second language instruction as a case study to illustrate why and how education policy at all levels of the polity reflects Switzerland's cultural and linguistic diversity and the strong local and regional identities of the Swiss citizenry. 相似文献
17.
Ting-Hong Wong 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2005,26(2):199-218
After World War II, Chinese residents of Singapore demanded the establishment of local Chinese universities. The ruling regime, however, which was under the shadow of the neighboring Malay‐dominated Malay Peninsula, was forced to suppress the development of such schools. In Hong Kong, the British needed to install a Chinese university to counter Beijing’s and Taiwan’s campaigns for recruiting students from the colony. As Hong Kong was a monoracial Chinese society, the government, not having to worry about the reaction of other indigenous groups, met this challenge by founding a fully recognized Chinese university. This research demonstrates that under diverse backgrounds of racial politics, state authorities have unequal latitudes to accommodate the educational institutions of subordinated racial groups. It also reveals that state education policies in small and dependent settings, unlike those in big and sovereign nations, are more susceptible to pressures from external powers and influences from the metropolis. These findings urge scholars to pay more attention to the factor of race and use comparative methods when employing the theories of state and hegemony to investigate education and power. 相似文献
18.
Peshal Khanal 《Compare》2011,41(6):769-784
This article explores the issues and concerns of Nepalese teachers in relation to Gaynor’s (1998) three models of teacher management (administrative, grassroots and alternative), constructed in the context of decentralisation reform around the world. The article suggests that the existing teacher management policies in Nepal are problematic and controversial, embracing both the administrative and grassroots models of teacher management and maintaining both the centralised and decentralised policies of teacher selection, promotion and financing. With problems similar to those of many developing nations in Africa, decentralisation of teacher management results in growing division and hierarchy among teaching staff, and favouritism, cronyism and corruption at the local level. The lack of equitable distribution of qualified teachers across regions and schools is another concern. The article concludes that the decentralisation of teacher management is problematic particularly in the countries where a dual approach to teacher management has been adopted and where the political, economic, institutional, technical and educational systems need to respond to the specific characteristics and needs of schools and communities as a whole. 相似文献
19.
蒋华 《四川师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,34(3):93-96
新中国建立以来,在不同时期提出了不同的教育方针。这些变化,实质上反映了各个历史时期对教育功能的认识与教育方针的价值取向。 相似文献
20.
AbstractIndigenous groups in Latin America face a double exclusion from higher education, with low levels of access to institutions and little acknowledgement of their distinctive cultural and epistemological traditions within the curriculum. This article assesses current policies in Mexico and Brazil towards indigenous populations in higher education, considering the various responses to the challenge, including affirmative action programmes in mainstream universities, intercultural courses and autonomous institutions. These policies and initiatives are analysed using the theoretical frames of redistribution and recognition, focusing on demands for formal equality and material wellbeing on the one hand, and a distinctive cultural and educational space on the other. While state-sponsored policies focus primarily on the redistributive element, initiatives based on recognition come largely from autonomous organisations, raising a series of dilemmas and tensions around educational justice for indigenous populations in the region. 相似文献