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1.
美国总统选举制度程序和过程复杂漫长。独特的预选方式、候选人各种各样的竞选演说、身份不同的选民、不同的投票方式、竞选资金、竞争对手相互的抗衡等在英语里都有其独特表达。美国竞选词汇的生成是依靠英语构词法和词义扩展而形成,无论是自然产生或为刻意制造,都反映了美国竞选政治的需要, 相似文献
2.
Jerel P. Calzo Vickie M. Mays Charlotte Björkenstam Emma Björkenstam Kyriaki Kosidou Susan D. Cochran 《Child development》2019,90(4):1097-1108
Debate persists about whether parental sexual orientation affects children's well-being. This study utilized information from the 2013 to 2015 U.S., population-based National Health Interview Survey to examine associations between parental sexual orientation and children's well-being. Parents reported their children's (aged 4–17 years old, N = 21,103) emotional and mental health difficulties using the short form Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ). Children of bisexual parents had higher SDQ scores than children of heterosexual parents. Adjusting for parental psychological distress (a minority stress indicator) eliminated this difference. Children of lesbian and gay parents did not differ from children of heterosexual parents in emotional and mental health difficulties, yet, the results among children of bisexual parents warrant more research examining the impact of minority stress on families. 相似文献
3.
Katharine E. Scott Tory L. Ash Bailey Immel MaKayla A. Liebeck Patricia G. Devine Kristin Shutts 《Child development》2023,94(1):74-92
Multiple studies (n = 1065 parents, 625 females, 437 males, 3 nonbinary, 99.06% White; n = 80, 5 to 7-year-old children, 35 girls, 45 boys, 87.50% White; data collection September 2017–January 2021) investigated White U.S. parents' thinking about White children's Black-White racial biases. In Studies 1–3, parents reported that their own and other children would not express racial biases. When predicting children's social preferences for Black and White children (Study 2), parents underestimated their own and other children's racial biases. Reading an article about the nature, prevalence, and consequences of White children's racial biases (Study 3) increased parents' awareness of, concern about, and motivation to address children's biases (relative to a control condition). The findings have implications for engaging White parents to address their children's racial biases. 相似文献
4.
In recent years, technology has made it possible, and in some ways critical, for college and university presidents to increase campus‐wide communication. Following the 2016 US presidential election, many college presidents across the country sent campus‐wide communications in response to the election, while others chose not to respond. The resulting reactions from campus and community stakeholders to these communications, or the lack of communication, from presidents was mixed due to the contentious nature of the election. In an effort to better understand a president’s decision to communicate, this study utilised coded interviews with 12 US flagship institution presidents or vice‐presidents for communication, providing insight into why presidents generally respond to contentious events and, more specifically, why presidents chose to respond to the 2016 election of Donald Trump. Four motivations that generally influenced presidential communications were identified (i.e., responsibility to campus stakeholders, pressure to respond, emphasise university values and the role of a public university), and subsequent sub‐themes were identified while analysing why presidents responded to the 2016 election specifically. This study concludes by offering implications for presidential communication and directions for future research on presidential engagement with contentious events. 相似文献
5.
To explore how teachers navigated the days after the 2016 U.S. presidential election, we conducted a national, anonymous questionnaire. In this paper, we focus specifically on those participants who reported what we conceptualize as students' political trauma. Drawing on participants' responses, we outline a pedagogy to respond to this political trauma that includes: 1) attending to students' emotions; 2) emphasizing civic knowledge; and 3) developing students’ critical consciousness and activism. We argue that these three domains collectively create opportunities to work toward the democratic and emancipatory purposes of education in the wake of politically traumatic events. 相似文献
6.
This study investigated issue ownership patterns in 602 U.S. House and Senate Democratic and Republican political campaign television advertisements from 1980–2000. First, the themes in these ads were about equally split between policy and character (unlike presidential TV spots from the same time period, which are roughly two-thirds policy and one-third character). Candidates from each political party addressed their own party's issues more than issues owned by the other party. However, unlike presidential spots, congressional ads discussed Democratic issues more than Republican issues (59% to 41%). Although candidates from both political parties discussed their own issues more, winners tended to discuss issues from the other party more than losers. There was no difference in issue ownership emphasis between the House and Senate ads in this sample. 相似文献
7.
贺喜 《浙江教育学院学报》2012,(1):65-71
1964年智利总统选举,弗雷和阿连德展开了激烈竞争。此次选举结果不仅关系到未来六年智利政局的走向,而且也是对美国外交的严峻考验。基于意识形态和经济利益的双重因素,白宫对智利发动了大规模干涉行动。美国采取经济上援助基民党、舆论上抹黑阿连德、军事上炫耀武力等方式,把弗雷送进莫内达宫,阻止了阿连德当选,成功达到预期目的。美国的干涉深刻影响了智利政局的发展和美智关系的走向。 相似文献
8.
ABSTRACTThis article includes findings from a mixed method survey at a large, public midwestern university following the election of Donald J. Trump as the president of the United States. It examines student perceptions about effective engagement in political discourse within social work classes. Survey questions urged students to suggest how instructors might facilitate this dialogue fairly in the classroom given the passionate emotions and differing viewpoints surrounding the election, while acknowledging and educating about values espoused by the profession. Findings from this study illustrate the challenges that students face in having these conversations and outline their recommendations to social work educators for facilitating safe, sensitive, and inclusive classroom discussion about politics. 相似文献
9.
This essay offers a reading of President Bill Clinton's address on August 28, 1998 in which he commemorates the 35th anniversary of the March on Washington. Specifically, Clinton's August 28th address reveals how the presidency has become a hermeneutic site for the formation of collective memory and political nostalgia. This analysis discusses the uses of political nostalgia for the purposes of political image (re)construction as evidenced by Clinton's exploitation of the civil rights movement to explain and excuse his personal failings and his relationship with Monica Lewinsky. We also present a divergent version of Clinton's rhetoric, giving specific attention to how his particular use of nostalgia in this address works to articulate and confront many of the powerful dichotomies (masculine/feminine; war/peace; black/white; private/public) that define his presidency, his public persona, and the larger political culture in postmodern America. 相似文献
10.
The September 26, 1960 presidential debate between Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Senator John F. Kennedy is widely regarded as one of the great moments in U.S. politics. As such, it is not surprising that this spectacle is prominently featured in exhibits at both presidential museums. By deftly manipulating physical space, text and artifacts, and televisual elements, the exhibits develop competing narratives about the meaning of this historic event. The close reading of the exhibits contained in this article offers new insights into political debates, the nature of collective memory, and the complicated relationship between substance and appearance in political discourse. 相似文献
11.
This article uses an institutional framework to analyze the political context of the next reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. The authors analyze three relevant factors in the institutional environment: the role of traditional party politics, including theories of divided versus unified party government; the entrance of new players, both interest groups and think tanks, into the education policy arena; and stresses on the traditional coalition that historically supported education reform. The authors compare DW-Nominate ratings for the 107th Congress (which passed the No Child Left Behind Act) and the 111th Congress (which concluded in 2010) to measure the ideology of members of the education committees and the Congress as a whole. Although both education committees have witnessed aggregate shifts in a more conservative direction, the authors argue that the 112th Congress, which convenes for the first time in January 2011, is unlikely to pass President Obama's centrist education agenda, as a majority-Republican House, ideological divisions within each political party, and the politics of an upcoming presidential election are factors that militate against a bill's enactment before 2012. 相似文献
12.
从民主视角剖析美国总统选举制度 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
刘敏 《华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2002,41(5):127-133
美国总统选举制度在实践中会产生非民主的后果，历来引入争论，理解美国总统选举制度的关键在于理解其与民主的真实关系。本文从民主视角出发，剖析了美国总统选举制度，指出了其长期存在的原因和必然性；美国总统选举制度能够克服民主制度的弊端，有利于美国民主政治的良好运转和长治久安。 相似文献
13.
May Ling D. Halim Diane N. Ruble Catherine S. Tamis‐LeMonda Patrick E. Shrout David M. Amodio 《Child development》2017,88(3):882-899
This study examined factors that predicted children's gender intergroup attitudes at age 5 and the implications of these attitudes for intergroup behavior. Ethnically diverse children from low‐income backgrounds (N = 246; Mexican‐, Chinese‐, Dominican‐, and African American) were assessed at ages 4 and 5. On average, children reported positive same‐gender and negative other‐gender attitudes. Positive same‐gender attitudes were associated with knowledge of gender stereotypes. In contrast, positive other‐gender attitudes were associated with flexibility in gender cognitions (stereotype flexibility, gender consistency). Other‐gender attitudes predicted gender‐biased behavior. These patterns were observed in all ethnic groups. These findings suggest that early learning about gender categories shape young children's gender attitudes and that these gender attitudes already have consequences for children's intergroup behavior at age 5. 相似文献
14.
Discourses of Exclusion: Immigrant-Origin Youth Responses to Immigration Debates in an Election Year
Dafney Blanca Dabach Aliza Fones Natasha Hakimali Merchant Mee Joo Kim 《Journal of Language, Identity & Education》2017,16(1):1-16
Political discourse on immigration policy often provides a window into a society’s boundaries of inclusion and exclusion. Here, we seek to understand how those in liminal positions respond to political debates that raise issues of boundary maintenance. Drawing from Bakhtinian concepts of authoritative and internally persuasive discourses as well as Gramsci’s concept of common sense, we analyzed how a superdiverse sample of 26 immigrant-origin adolescents (from Asia, Latin America, Africa, and Europe) responded to video segments of presidential debates from the 2012 U.S. election. Youth’s responses to presidential video clips about undocumented immigration policies fell along a spectrum from inclusionary to exclusionary, with many voicing mixed responses to immigration policies. Half of the youth referenced their own family’s migration experience when discussing immigration policy, most frequently in empathetic ways; however, this did not preclude them from aligning with discourses of exclusion. The theme of fairness was prevalent in their responses, yet it emerged in distinct ways. This work highlights the need to interrogate common-sense discourses of exclusion. 相似文献
15.
《Parenting, science and practice》2013,13(4):371-386
Objective. Gaps in cross-cultural study limit understanding of whether effects of marital discord on children are culturally universal. Design. Israeli (39 boys; 40 girls) and U.S. (97 boys; 118 girls) kindergarteners responded to analog presentations of resolved and unresolved marital conflicts. Results. Children reacted negatively to marital conflict across cultures and were sensitive to the topics of conflict, whether or not it was escalating and whether or not conflict was resolved. Modest differences in responding also emerged: U.S. children reported more happiness for resolved conflicts and more distressed emotions and coping responses to unresolved conflicts. Moreover, only the expectations of U.S. children about future marital relations were affected by resolution. Conclusions. The evidence mostly supported similarities between the United States and Israel with regard to children's responding to conflicts, extending findings based on extensive research in the U.S. 相似文献
16.
《Parenting, science and practice》2013,13(1):57-89
Objective. To determine how parents evaluate decisions about children's autonomy, Korean mothers and fathers as well as nonparental female and male adults, all living in the United States, were interviewed about parental decisions regarding children's engagement in gender consistent and gender inconsistent extracurricular activities. Design. A homogeneous sample of parents and nonparental adults (N = 80) participated to control for social experience beyond parental status. Participants were interviewed about whether it was acceptable for parents to allow their sons and daughters to engage in gender consistent (boy plays baseball, girl takes ballet), gender inconsistent (boy takes ballet, girl plays baseball), and gender neutral (boy goes to a sleepover, girl goes to a sleepover) peer activities, along with questions about autonomy, gender preferences, parental jurisdiction, cultural change, and stereotype knowledge. Results. Whereas all participants promoted autonomy, parents were more likely to sacrifice autonomy to conform to gender stereotypic expectations than were nonparental adults and to use social-conventional reasoning to justify their evaluations. Parents were more likely than nonparental adults to promote boys' autonomy than girls' autonomy in the absence of stereotypic expectations but were less likely to do so in gender inconsistent contexts. Conclusions. Korean parents and nonparental adults differ in their decisions about children's engagement in gender related peer activities. In contrast to nonparental adults, parents used multiple forms of social reasoning when evaluating children's autonomy in the context of gender expectations. These findings shed light on the complex decision-making that parents engage in when granting children autonomy and promoting social development. 相似文献
17.
Lisa B. Hurwitz 《Child development》2019,90(5):1754-1771
Most U.S. preschoolers have consumed media created with funding from the U.S. Department of Education's Ready To Learn (RTL) initiative, which was established to promote school readiness among children ages 2–8. Synthesizing data from 45 evaluations (N = 24,624 unique child participants), this meta-analysis examined the effects of RTL media exposure on young children's literacy skills. Results indicate positive effects of RTL media exposure on children's literacy outcomes, especially vocabulary and phonological concepts. These effects are equivalent to about one-and-a-half months of literacy learning above and beyond typical growth. Findings are robust across a variety of research designs and for exposure to both television and new media. These results are discussed in terms of accountability evidence for RTL and larger debates in scholarly understanding of educational media effects. 相似文献
18.
《Early education and development》2013,24(4):317-334
The aim of this study was to examine Japanese preschool children's social conflicts and methods of conflict resolution in order to shed light on existing cultural characterizations of Japanese preschool education and social development. Japanese preschool-age children were observed during school-time free-play and they and their mothers were interviewed about teacher methods of conflict resolution in the preschool setting. The results showed that Japanese children's conflicts stemmed from a wide range of issues, including concerns about justice, rights, and fairness. Moreover, teachers encouraged children to work out conflicts on their own, stressing self-reliance and autonomy. Japanese children and mothers chose resolution choices which pertained to the intrinsic consequences of the acts. Japanese children and mothers, however, preferred teacher-directed nonintervention over punishment as a form of teacher response. This was in contrast to previous research which has shown that American children and mothers prefer punishment over nonintervention. The results indicated that issues of independence (e.g., autonomy) and interdependence (e.g., group orientations) were both present in Japanese children's social interactions and in children's and mothers' judgments about teacher methods of conflict resolution. 相似文献
19.
《Australian Journal of Learning Difficulties》2013,18(2):24-31
Abstract This project examined the personal and the social basis of children's self‐concepts about reading. Study 1 [N= 55] was a correlational study. Results suggest a stronger personal than social basis for children's self‐concepts about reading. In particular, children made stronger comparisons among content areas than gender groups. Study 2 [N= 18] was an intervention study. The focus was on the personal basis of self‐concepts, for children with reading difficulties. Results showed that self‐concepts were responsive to the intervention, with associated change in task choices. Findings support a self‐categorization approach to understanding children's self‐concepts, and imply that this approach would be useful in motivating children about reading. Reading is regarded as integral to general living skills and is central to children's learning across many areas of schooling. This means that we need to understand more about the self‐concepts that motivate children to take up and persist with reading activities. H is a particularly pressing issue for children who experience difficulties with reading. This project therefore examined the personal and social basis of children's self‐concepts about reading. The focus was the salience of children's personal and social categorisations about reading that underpin reading self‐concepts and associated choices of reading tasks. 相似文献
20.
总统选举人团制度,是美国独创的选举国家领导人的制度。美国政党的出现,使总统选举人不再具有原始的独立性,而变成了政党的工具;美国实行“总统选举人团”和“赢者通吃”的选举规则,这种选举制度有利于大党而不利于小党,从而产生和维护了两党制,在共和党和民主党两大党中,则更有利于共和党。 相似文献