共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
This paper argues that Christopher Winch's contribution to the debate on the aims of education contains some significant errors and omissions. His definition of work is problematic and leads to the conclusion that education should be directed towards very narrow vocational targets. His argument makes unstated and contestable assumptions about the source of educational aims. Lastly, he underplays the implications of the economic aims of education for the achievement of liberal aims. His programme would lead to less pluralism than the liberal alternative. 相似文献
2.
In contrast to the continued decline of liberal arts education in the US, there has been a revived interest in liberal arts education in Asian countries in recent years. Grounded in a comprehensive understanding of the central tenets of liberal arts education in the West, this paper looks into the struggles Asian countries face in their exploration of liberal arts education and provides a direction for Asian countries in their efforts to practice liberal arts education. This paper establishes the deep connections between humanistic approaches of the Confucian tradition and liberal arts education by pointing to a common ground for the education of humanity. Ultimately, the purpose of liberal arts education, in the East as well as in the West, should be the liberation of human beings from the constraints of ignorance, prejudice and traditional customs and through the cultivation of a cosmopolitan morality that emphasizes unity, solidarity and the fusion of humankind. Chinese universities should contemplate the purpose and value of higher education in the 21st century and tap into the rich resources of Confucianism in order to give its liberal arts education a “soul.” 相似文献
3.
Denis Gleeson Jenifer Davies Eunice Wheeler 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2005,26(4):445-460
This paper examines the changing nature of professional practice in English further education. At a time when neo‐liberal reform has significantly impacted on this under‐researched and over‐market‐tested sector, little is known about who its practitioners are and how they construct meaning in their work. Sociological interest in the field has tended to focus on further education practitioners as either the subjects of market and managerial reform or as creative agents operating within the contradictions of audit and inspection cultures. In challenging such dualism, which is reflective of wider sociological thinking, the paper examines the ways in which agency and structure combine to produce a more transformative conception of the further education professional. The approach contrasts with a prevailing policy discourse that seeks to re‐professionalise and modernise further education practice without interrogating either the terms of its professionalism or the neo‐liberal practices in which it resides. 相似文献
4.
Paul Standish 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(2):265-279
In his ‘Perspectives on the Philosophy of Education’ John Wilson laments the confusion that surrounds the current state of the philosophy of education. Unlike other branches of philosophy, he claims, it is not clear what the philosophy of education is about, and a snapshot of current work in the field reveals its lack of coherence. To remedy this he advocates starting ‘from scratch’: the philosophy of education is to be understood as a discipline concerned with the logic of value judgements and focused on questions of learning. While the present paper acknowledges the extent of Wilson’s contribution to the field, it draws attention to the confusion in the position that he holds, and shows that his assessment of the current state of the philosophy of education is both inaccurate and politically blinkered. In the process, the paper challenges his account of the philosophy of education as a branch of philosophy and offers a more coherent characterisation. 相似文献
5.
Geoff Teece 《British Journal of Religious Education》2005,27(1):29-40
This paper discusses aspects of Andrew Wright's version of a liberal, critical religious education and his criticisms of some other views of modern religious education. This is attempted not by examining these ‘other views’ as such but by concentrating on the work of John Hick. The reason for this is that Wright, like Cooling (in his book A Christian Vision for State Education: Reflections on the Theology of Education) identifies Hick as a significant influence on forms of religious education to which he objects. In a number of his writings Wright identifies Hick's work as an example of universal theology informed by romanticism. This runs counter to a comprehensive reading of Hick, and to Hick's own account of his work. Hick, like Wright, is a critical realist but by identifying Hick as a romantic, Wright is in danger of not only polarising views on religious education but also closing down a debate to which Hick's work has much to contribute. The latter part of the paper illustrates how a nuanced understanding of Hick's religious pluralism can make a contribution to discussions about critical religious education. 相似文献
6.
This paper uses Bourdieu to develop theorizing about policy processes in education and to extend the policy cycle approach in a time of globalization. Use is made of Bourdieu’s concept of social field and the argument is sustained that in the context of globalization the field of educational policy has reduced autonomy, with enhanced cross‐field effects in educational policy production, particularly from the fields of the economy and journalism. Given the social rather than geographical character of Bourdieu’s concept of social fields, it is also argued that the concept can be, and indeed has to be, stretched beyond the nation to take account of the emergent global policy field in education. Utilizing Bourdieu’s late work on the globalization of the economy through neo‐liberal politics, we argue that a non‐reified account of the emergent global educational policy field can be provided. 相似文献
7.
René V. Arcilla 《Asia Pacific Education Review》2014,15(1):21-27
What is liberal education? How do its aims differ from those of either grammar or vocational education? Does it truly deserve its own supporting institution? In response to these questions, Arcilla develops a defense of the liberal arts college. He observes that all projects of formal learning presuppose that the learner possesses answers to three fundamental, existential questions: What is one’s nature? What is the good for beings of this nature? What facilitates this good? We develop better responses to these questions by engaging in liberal learning. The mission of the liberal arts college, then, is first and foremost to support this learning. With this idea of liberal learning and its college in mind, we may nonetheless wonder whether the existential knowledge it seeks is really something that can be learned. Arcilla articulates a version of humanism that illuminates the conditions of possibility for liberal learning and affirms this learning’s intrinsic value. At the same time, this philosophical theory requires for its verification that we engage in liberal learning. Arcilla calls the symbiotic partnership formed by liberal learning and humanism “humanist learning,” and he points out that it is this learning, which is crucial to our other kinds of education, that would be lost if society ceased to support genuine colleges of the liberal arts. 相似文献
8.
Paula Surridge 《牛津教育评论》2016,42(2):146-164
This paper uses data from the 1970 Birth Cohort Study in the UK to explore the well-established link between ‘liberal’ social values and education. Whilst the link itself is well-established, the underlying mechanism is not; the paper explores empirically mechanisms that have been proposed for this link. In particular it considers the effects of social background, ‘ability’, personal efficacy and field of study on social values to explore both direct and indirect effects of education. The paper finds that, whilst there are important effects of social background and ability on social values, these do not explain the effect of educational attainment. Moreover, differences according to field of study suggest that the most likely mechanism linking education with liberal values is one of socialisation. 相似文献
9.
Samara S. Foster 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2002,36(2):291-308
In his book, School Choice and Social Justice, Harry Brighouse attempts to show how a properly designed school–choice plan, guided by his liberal theory of social justice, can enhance equal educational opportunity and provide every child with an education for autonomy. In this paper, I argue that Brighouse is overly confident about the egalitarian potential of school choice. He seems to be defending a policy for what it could be, rather than looking at school choice for what it is: a flawed educational reform that makes things worse in terms of social justice. I question Brighouse's notion that the kind of school choice he advocates, one that promotes equal educational opportunity and education for autonomy, is politically feasible. 相似文献
10.
《British Journal of Educational Studies》2012,60(1):85-96
ABSTRACTThis paper uses Basil Bernstein’s work on pedagogic discourses to examine a largely neglected facet of the history of vocational education – the liberal studies movement in English further education colleges. Initially, the paper discusses some of the competing conceptions of education, work and society which underpinned the rise and fall of the liberal studies movement – if indeed it can be described as such. The paper then draws on data from interviews with former liberal and general studies lecturers to focus on the ways in which different variants of liberal studies were, over time, implicated in inculcating certain forms of knowledge in vocational learners. Whilst it is acknowledged that liberal and general studies always represented contested territory and that it was highly variable both in terms of content and quality, the paper argues that, at least under certain circumstances, liberal studies provided young working-class people with the opportunity to locate their experiences of vocational learning within a critical framework that is largely absent from further education today. This, it is argued, can be conceptualised as an engagement with what Bernstein described as ‘powerful knowledge’. 相似文献
11.
Hugh Lauder 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1991,12(4):417-431
This paper provides a critique of neo‐liberal political economy of education. It is argued that neo‐liberal ideology trades off democracy against ‘economic efficiency’. However, the consequence of the application of neo‐liberal principles to education is that overall standards of education are likely to decline, thereby creating the conditions for a low skilled, low morale workforce. It is suggested that this outcome is consistent with the Neo‐liberal creation of a low wage low technology economy. On the basis of the critique, an alternative education system concerned with meeting the aims of an education for a democratic, economically sophisticated, society is sketched. 相似文献
12.
Globalisation and the Politics of Accountability: Issues and dilemmas for gender equity in education
Miriam Henry 《Gender and education》2001,13(1):87-100
This article considers issues of accountability for gender reform in education given changing state formations accompanying globalisation processes and pressures. It is argued that globalisation processes work in contradictory ways. Hence, while market liberal ideologies and practices underpinning economic globalisation threaten to undermine gains which have been achieved in gender equity in education, there may be possibilities for a feminist engagement with processes of political globalisation to assist the project of gender reform. Examples will be drawn from the Australian experience but, if globalisation theorists are correct, should have broader applicability. 相似文献
13.
Dirk Willem Postma 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2002,36(1):41-56
International reports on environmental policy promote 'education for sustainable development' as an instrument for realising environmental awareness, values and attitudes consistent with the liberal concept of 'sustainable development'. In this paper the ethical and political-philosophical assumptions of (education for) sustainable development will be criticised. First, it will be argued that (Rawlsian) liberal ethics cannot include obligations towards future generations. Second, the commentary focuses on the economic perspective underlying this liberal framework, its anthropocentric bias and the hierarchical distinction between public and private spheres. Third, to offer a more adequate framework for environmental education, some fruitful ideas within neo-republicanism will be examined. 相似文献
14.
Bryan R. Warnick 《Educational theory》2012,62(4):411-426
If we are to posit, as do many liberal theorists, that autonomy is an educational goal that the state should endorse across cultural difference, key questions remain: What type of autonomy should we strive for, exactly, and how should this goal be achieved? Many liberal philosophers of education have argued that autonomy should enable cultural choice and that the development of autonomy requires students to be exposed to different beliefs and traditions. Shelley Burtt has challenged this dominant position, however, insisting that autonomy (properly understood) can be developed within a “comprehensive education” that does not seek to sympathetically expose students to cultural difference. In this essay, Bryan Warnick responds that Burtt's arguments are inconsistent and lack cultural imagination, and that her underlying concept of autonomy is inadequate, primarily because it lacks a compelling picture of cultural self‐criticism. There is a lack of appreciation, he argues, for how frameworks of cultural comparison are necessary in the development of this self‐criticism. At the same time, Warnick argues that there is much to be learned from Burtt's analysis about the tough choices that need to be made as liberals seek to champion autonomy as an educational end across cultural difference. 相似文献
15.
Raşit Çelik 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2016,48(5):498-508
As discussed by John Rawls, in a well-ordered society, a public political culture’s wide educational role bears the primary responsibility for developing reasonable individuals for the stability of a politically liberal society. Rawlsian scholars have also focused on the stability and enhancement of developed liberal democratic societies by means of those societies’ education systems. In this sense, one thing that is common to Rawlsian scholars’ and Rawls’s own understanding of the role of education appears to be a concern over the stability of a politically liberal society since it is highly dependent on the character of its citizens. Also, it is usually believed that a politically liberal account of education can be implemented in a developed politically liberal society. In contrast, this study discusses the possibility of implementing a politically liberal account of education in a developing liberal society that may become a developed liberal democracy under an overlapping consensus. 相似文献
16.
马丁·特罗指出,高等教育的问题——包括提供博雅教育的能力——都内在于经济增长之中。制度的性质随增长而改变,“大众化”意味着对接受高等教育的机会和社会民主化的乐观态度,容易在大学中产生一种结构和文化状况,这与真正严格的、以文本为基础的、以讨论为中心的、写作密集型的博雅教育是对立的。问题的核心在于规模、质量和成本这三者看上去不可调和,也就是如何在规模日益增大的背景下使博雅教育成为可能并具有成本效益。解决当前问题的关键在于有意识的沟通,这种沟通操作性地位于高等教育录取层面。本文提出三种解决方案:对大学的适当信息之制度化,比如大学的目的和功能;在分化的高等教育体系中,将申请人与院校恰当匹配的实践;对在高校中成为一个真正的学生之预期的理解的标准化。 相似文献
17.
18.
This paper aims to stimulate interest in comparative education policy analysis through a critique of a paper written by Stephen Lawton (Journal of Education Policy, 7(2), 1992). We argue that such comparative analysis is an important element in understanding neo‐liberal education reforms. However, more work needs to be done in providing adequate categories for analysis. We do not believe that Lawton's meet the criteria for such analysis. In the first part of the paper we discuss Lawton's categories, showing how, in our view, they fall short. The second part provides an initial, and very brief, discussion of what might constitute adequate categories for analysis. We end with a plea for more work in this field, and invite others to work with us! 相似文献
19.
Kevin Gary 《Educational theory》2006,56(2):121-136
A bstract . At present liberal education is generally understood and justified as the acquisition of critical thinking skills and individual autonomy. Traditionally, however, the ultimate purpose of liberal education has been leisure. Freedom, it was thought, was not simply the result of critical thinking but also required the cultivation of leisure that involved a vigilant receptivity — a stillness from the busy world of work and the restive probing of a discursive mind. In this essay, Kevin Gary argues that the cultivation of leisure has been and ought to be an essential part of what constitutes a liberal education. Focused on interior freedom, leisure offers a valuable way of learning that ushers in an authentic freedom that a critical approach to learning and liberal education does not. Accordingly, it offers a valuable defense against the hegemonic world of work that defines and appraises one's value exclusively in terms of one's doing. 相似文献
20.
Meira Levinson 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1-2):39-58
Inspired by concern about promoting civic participation and preserving the liberal democratic state, political theorists have recently reignited a debate about the nature of political education in a liberal society. These theorists' arguments in favor of teaching toleration are significant for the progress of education reforms currently being debated and implemented in current liberal democracies and some emerging nations. Despite the increasing attention paid to the value of liberal civic education, however, its specific content is typically left virtually blank. This article aims to redress this gap in the literature by developing a coherent and comprehensive (albeit still very general) curriculum for liberal political education. To this end, Section I analyses the nature of the ideal liberal democratic state and develops a general curriculum for liberal political education based on the type of citizens needed to preserve and take advantage of such a state. It concludes by introducing two potentially illiberal outcomes of this curriculum: children's forced development of the capacity for autonomy, and the reduction of diversity in the state. Section II argues that the development of autonomy is actually central to liberal theory and liberal education more broadly conceived, while Section III suggests that civic and social diversity will persist, but rightly play a secondary role to the goals of liberal political education. The article concludes, therefore, with a reassertion of the content and importance of liberal political education. 相似文献