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1.
Leslie Hahner 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):113-134
Drawing primarily on discourses and events from the period surrounding World War I, this essay examines the methods deployed by Camp Fire Girls and Girls Scouts to recruit the daughters of immigrants and, upon joining, acculturate these new members to the American way of life. The argument begins by analyzing those discourses describing the so-called “new immigrant” from southern and eastern Europe as a threat to national unity. Turning to the ways in which the new immigrant problem was gendered through the rhetorical construction of a “girl problem,” this author argues that the advocates describing the girl problem leveraged the presumed cultural rift between foreign-born parents and their new-world children in order to induce the daughters of the foreign-born to perform as American. The essay closely analyzes the discourses of two groups committed to the project of Americanizing the daughters of immigrants: the Camp Fire Girls and Girl Scouts. The article contends that these groups, the two most popular of the period, Americanized the daughter of the foreign-born by using recruitment tactics that invited her to dissociate from an old-world ethnicity, deploying legendary heroines re-figuring the girl's American belonging, and engineering patriotic regimens habituating her to American customs. Ultimately, this essay demonstrates how these groups rhetorically refigured the cultural and social belonging of their members in order to assuage public concerns about national unity. 相似文献
2.
Thomas R. Dunn 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(3):269-286
This essay argues that marriage equality discourses have successfully been used not only to advance GLBTQ rights but as a vehicle for re-securing neoliberalism after the 2008 Great Recession. Specifically, this essay analyzes how Macklemore and Ryan Lewis's “Same Love” (featuring Mary Lambert) supports neoliberalism by forwarding antiblackness and circumscribed political subjectivities while urging support for marriage equality. Through appeals to minimization, multiracialism, and inverting oppression, “Same Love” demonstrates how avowedly progressive texts can simultaneously impede the freer and fairer world the text supposedly promotes. 相似文献
3.
Helene Shugart 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):280-300
In this essay, I explore the historical moment of metrosexuality in popular culture that, I argue, rather than simply a fad, constituted a logical premise vital to assuaging the “crisis” in masculinity engendered by the phenomenon of commercial masculinity. I trace the ways in which the fleeting trend of metrosexuality was articulated rhetorically in US popular culture in such a way as to rationalise commercial masculinity in targeted, explicit ways. I argue that metrosexuality served a crucial rhetorical function for the reconciliation of commercial masculinity with normative masculinity by organising homosociality in strategic ways. Accordingly, I suggest that apparently transient popular cultural trends might best be understood in terms of their location in—and strategic rhetorical function for—broader cultural discourses. 相似文献
4.
This essay proposes the notion of the “jazz vernacular” as a tool specific to the Creole culture in New Orleans for understanding racial discourses of disposability both geographically and historically. We argue that the jazz vernacular is a discourse structured by musical repertoire. The jazz vernacular provides a channel for the historical pain of the black diaspora by playing in the background, both literally and figuratively, of communication in and about New Orleans. This essay considers Spike Lee's documentary When The Levees Broke to understand how the jazz vernacular frames hurricane Katrina as well as how it frames Lee's film as an intervention into “neoliberal” racial discourses. We argue that Lee's film utilizes the jazz vernacular as a metadiscourse to reinforce the ways in which residents used jazz to restructure cultural memory around the rhetoric of the dispossessed in New Orleans after Katrina. When the Levees Broke uses testimonials and affective communication to structure the narrative of Katrina through elements of the jazz vernacular like: displacement, embodiment, brashness, and improvisation to connect contemporary Creole New Orleanians to a long history of structural oppression and violence. By harnessing performative elements, Lee's film performs a jazz intervention into neoliberal discourses about freedom, defense, safety, and heroism that contrasts these discourses with the despair and the resistance of black America. Consequently, Lee's use of the jazz vernacular relies on native musical culture to recontextualize what neoliberalism had erased. 相似文献
5.
E. Johanna Hartelius 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(2):130-149
Among immigrant rights activists, journalists, and scholars the term “undocumented” has gained support as an alternative to the criminalizing and dehumanizing “illegal.” By contrast, this essay critiques so-called DREAMers' articulation of an “undocumented” subjectivity, arguing that the term, invoking a Weberian bureaucracy, undermines activists' cooptive intent and subversive agenda. To be undocumented in what Robert Hariman calls “a polity of offices,” which privileges the written text, is to be both unintelligible and powerless. These constraints, however, may be circumvented by the use of web-text for mobilization, recruitment, and networking. Informed by Gregory Ulmer's notion of “electracy,” I posit web-text as transitional, potentially capable of contesting the authority of the bureaucracy. 相似文献
6.
This essay explores news media coverage of two types of alleged “passing”: passing across racial lines from Black to White and across sex lines from female to male. Textual analysis of dominant print media and print media discourses produced by and/or addressed to Blacks and queers reveals prominent frames through which news consumers are invited to perceive these events. In particular, the analysis demonstrates that both dominant and marginal social groups express the desire to fix the identities of passers in a single, discrete category, although these groups wish to do so for disparate reasons. In addition, marginal groups frame passing events within broad cultural and historical contexts in contrast to the narrow contexts framed by dominant media. Comparison of race and sex passing exposes the similarities–including community consternation about the passer–and differences–including disparate focus on civil rights rather than identity issues–between Black and queer coverage of these events. Comparison of race and sex passing also exposes the way in which dominant media correlate race passing with class passing, while sex passing is correlated to sexuality passing (that is, queer passing for heterosexual). 相似文献
7.
Ronald Walter Greene 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(1):20-36
The institutional creation of the Bureau of Motion Pictures and Exhibits, a division of the Industrial Department of the International Committee of the YMCA, is examined to assess why the YMCA turned to film as a mode of public address in its social welfare programs. The archival history supports the claim that the “attraction effect” of film transformed it into a cultural technology for shaping the conduct of industrial workers. The essay concludes by arguing how film contributed to liberalism's modernization of pastoral power by coupling immigrant workers with the pedagogical voice of the YMCA secretary. 相似文献
8.
Roger Stahl 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):112-130
The media paradigm by which we understand war is increasingly the video game. These changes are not only reflected in the real-time television war, but also an increased collusion between military and commercial uses of video games. The essay charts the border-crossing of video games between military and civilian spheres alongside attendant discourses of war. Of particular interest are the ways that war has been coded as an object of consumer play and how official productions aimed at training and recruitment have cast video games as players themselves in the War on Terror. The essay argues that this crossover has initialized a “third sphere” of militarized civic space where the citizen is supplanted by the figure of the virtual citizen-soldier. 相似文献
9.
Emmanuel Levinas writes of how the “call of conscience”; is a “primordial discourse”; that “interrupts”; the routines and language‐games that help organize and give meaning to a person's everyday existence. Levinas thus provides a way of thinking about the relationship between the call of conscience and rhetoric that advances what rhetorical theorists have so far claimed about this relationship. This essay develops the position that the call of conscience is a rhetorical interruption in its purest form. A case study is offered to illustrate how such an interruption manifests itself in the debate over the justifiability and social acceptability of physician‐assisted suicide. The specific rhetorical transaction in question occurred in cyberspace and lasted five months; it began when members of a disability civil rights group known as “Not Dead Yet!”; conducted what their opponents described as an “invasion”; of an electronic mailing list operated by the Euthanasia Research and Guidance Organization. 相似文献
10.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(1):20-32
In attempt to define a methodology, journalism scholars use the term “reflective” as a way to distinguish their critical study of journalism from that of a non-practitioner. The phrase “reflective practice in journalism” is now also used widely in higher education course literature and increasingly it is emerging in discourses relating to journalism research. However, the use of the term “reflective” in both cases has not been anchored in meaning. This paper will propose a number of definitions, and will discuss a number of potential approaches that seek to move towards a synthesis of journalism practice and theory. It will start by outlining the current scholarly context for undertaking journalism research, focusing on the rise of “journalist-academics” and the desire for recognition of the value and status of practice within the academy. It will then examine a number of critical models which may shed helpful light on how journalism might be viewed as “research-in-practice”. 相似文献
11.
Christina Morus 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):142-165
Through this essay, I assert that the intellectual authority of prominent cultural intellectuals can affect a form of “cultural pedagogy” that can essentially re-educate an audience through constitutive discourses that can re-articulate that audience's identity, cultural framework, and historical references, and in so doing can normalize mass violence. Serbian intellectuals and cultural elites played a prominent role in initializing the extreme nationalist mindset that increasingly polarized Yugoslavia throughout the 1980s. In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (SANU) drafted a Memorandum, the publication of which in the Serbian newspaper Vjecernje Novosti is retrospectively the precipitating event that awakened Serbian national consciousness. This essay critiques the 1986 Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences with regard to its role in constructing an exclusive and politically charged Serbian identity. Beginning with an examination of the Memorandum's central claims, this essay asserts that the dominant mythic themes that emerge in the document were part of a deliberate teleological reordering of historical events that provided the foundation for the constitutive rhetoric of Serbian intellectuals-turned-politicians. This essay allows for a deeper understanding of the effects of constitutive discourses, rooted in a mythos of victimization, on the emergent nationalism and mass violence in the former Yugoslavia. 相似文献
12.
Usha Zacharias 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(4):388-406
This paper examines how the inception of consumer television in India during the late 1980s facilitated both market liberalization and a conservative politics of class, gender, and religio-cultural community. As reflected in the discourses and images in the English press, consumer television made room for novel figures of desire, changing forms of cultural citizenship, and new spaces of governance. Advertised through images of postcolonial whiteness that glamorized capital and technology, television also brought with it anxieties regarding westernization, consumption, and gender reform. These conflicting discourses produced the nationalist TV family as part of a new gender politics and as a new form of cultural governance that sought to forge tighter links between market, state, and conservative notions of community. 相似文献
13.
Jeffrey Bennett 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):211-230
This essay critically examines debates about the supposed inborn nature of sexual orientation. Although popular discourses suggest that sexual orientation is an immutable characteristic, several scholars and activists have argued there is danger in postulating same-sex desire is innate. This analysis looks to another feature of the controversy, arguing that when queers themselves utilize “born this way” rhetoric, they frequently do so in surprising ways that rest outside dichotomist forms of reasoning. Exploring posts on the “Born This Way” blog, this essay argues that vernacular appropriations of the phrase are more fluid among LGBT publics than often imagined, allowing for a rethinking of the epistemology of the closet. 相似文献
14.
Eric King Watts 《传播与批判/文化研究》2017,14(4):317-333
The essay mainly performs a structural and formal analysis of the logics and affective economies of postracial fantasies so as to eventually offer the Zombie trope as a mode of analysis figuring alternative ways of thinking race relations. The essay contends that the Zombie, when articulated with discourses and feelings of the postracial, signifies the unleashing of black bio-threat bodies upon a population; and that enjoyment of the postracial and the Zombie Apocalyptic genre obscures and resuscitates this signification. As a brief case study, the essay discusses the display, materiality, and “bloody” enjoyment of the “Zombie Obama” target mannequin by gun enthusiasts and preppers. 相似文献
15.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(1):5-24
A guiding purpose of most social and political minority movements in a pluralistic society is to achieve legitimacy in the terms of the dominant ideology. In Anglo‐American liberal democracies such legitimation is located in the ideograph <equality>, an ideological commitment which promotes “sameness” and “identity.” An interesting feature of <equality> is that it functions implicitly as a rhetoric of control, requiring those who would achieve legitimacy to sublimate their “difference” from the dominant ideology. As such, it poses serious contradictions for a society that is truly interested in promoting a humanistic and pluralistic egalitarianism. In this essay the authors examine the way in which the culturetypal rhetoric of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the counter‐cultural rhetoric of Malcolm X functioned together to negotiate this characteristic of <equality> as black Americans in the 1960s strove to achieve legitimacy for their struggle for civil rights, and in so doing constructed a revised and emancipatory conception of cultural <equality>. 相似文献
16.
17.
Ted Striphas 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2-3):324-328
This essay considers what the term “critical” means—or could mean—to critical/cultural studies scholars. It does so by engaging with two key texts from the history of cultural studies: Raymond Williams' 相似文献
18.
This essay explores how communication research on “at-risk” students relies on under-theorized understandings of identity as seemingly stable traits and characteristics. In this sense, “at-riskness,” as a cultural identity, is dangerous precisely because it encourages researchers to link identity difference with failure, rather than to explore the presence and perpetuation of particular ideologies. We illuminate such ideological tensions through our analysis of a complex educational identity—an in-depth interview with an “at-risk” student—where we locate strategic rhetorics (i.e., discursive constructions that reify normalized assumptions about educational success and failure) that demonstrate how ideology constitutes the phenomenon of educational risk. 相似文献
19.
Meenakshi Gigi Durham 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):140-161
This paper posits that adolescence, as experienced by girls of immigrant diaspora groups, is complicated by issues of race, culture and nation that intersect with discourses of sex and gender. In terms of globalization theory, sexuality is conceptualized as a locus of cultural hybridization; media representations of sexuality often mark the global/local nexus for diaspora peoples. In this study, a series of in‐depth interviews were conducted with South Asian American girls in order to analyze the role of media in their sexual identity constructions. The focus group data revealed radical rearticulations of sexual identity from an “interstitial” audience position that involved oppositional readings of various media texts. These rearticulations can be seen as part of the project of forging new ethnicities in the diaspora context. 相似文献
20.
The abrupt retirement of Jerry Kill, the University of Minnesota’s head football coach, for health reasons during the 2015 season ignited intensely emotional reactions from diverse organizational stakeholders. Our essay analyzes the public discourses surrounding Kill’s organizational exit. Specifically, we explore how audiences co-constructed multiple and conflicting narratives about his departure, concurrently praising and blaming Kill for his body management. We highlight how these discourses construct complex subjectivities for working individuals who experience chronic illness. We conclude by discussing how the narrative frames implicate broader discursive struggles between the cultural values of health and work. 相似文献