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1.
Lim Peng Han 《国际体育史杂志》2018,35(12-13):1217-1237
AbstractThe Singapore Football Association (SFA) was founded in 1892. In 1904, the YMCA initiated the first football league with 12 teams from military and European clubs and School Old Boys’ teams. The first phase from 1904 to 1913 was restricted to European and Eurasian only. The military teams won six out of the nine tournaments. The second phase of the league began in 1917 and from 1921 to 1941. The Straits Chinese Football Association (SCFA) took part in the league and the rejuvenated SFA included a representative from the SCFA. The Singapore Football League started with two divisions 1921 and participating teams from the SCFA in the same year and the Malaya Football Association (MFA) in 1924. The SCFA won the league for the first time in 1925 and subsequently in 1930, 1937, and 1938. In 1929, the SFA was renamed the Singapore Amateur Football Association (SAFA). The MFA won the League for the first time in 1931, and the first local team to win three years in succession from 1931 to 1933. From 1931 to 1941 the local teams won seven league titles out of 11. By 1940 the League grew with 44 teams in three divisions. 相似文献
2.
Anthony John Arnold 《Sport in History》2016,36(1):47-72
Sporting leagues are generally based on collectivist principles, as the members need one another to produce their product. For much of its existence, the Football League has functioned as a cartel, operating income-sharing arrangements and controlling its membership. In the period from 1959 to 1986, a limited number of clubs left the League through the re-election process, in modest recognition of geographical logic, as clubs from growth areas to the south typically replaced clubs from more traditional economic areas that were often over-represented in the Football League. Clubs are widely seen to be utility-maximisers seeking success. Success in a sporting league is defined in a precise and relativist way and this article focuses on two of the least successful clubs to have played in the Football League, Barrow AFC and Workington FC, whose failure to obtain repeated re-election in the 1970s removed the only Football League clubs in a distinct economic zone, the north-west coastal steel district. This article examines the re-election mechanism and the particular economic factors that affected these two clubs, ranging from the decline of their main local industry to changes in the levels of and responsibilities attaching to rising cross-subsidy payments in the Football League. 相似文献
3.
《Sport in History》2013,33(1):26-46
This article examines the role of football, alongside other working-class pastimes, in engendering the proletarianization of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) during the Great War. The article details how the nature and longevity of the Great War, allied to the associated need to raise a predominantly working-class ‘civilian army’, stimulated new approaches to sustaining morale which embraced working-class-derived values and customs. The raison d’être of the BEF's combat motivation (why a soldier should fight) increasingly depended upon workplace-centred notions of solidarity and mutuality. In military terms, these proletarian set of motivational influences became known as ‘loyalty to the primary group’, and the proletarian sport of football became one of the major vehicles for their diffusion. Concurrently, troop entertainments and recreations became dominated by some of the temporary escapes of proletarian culture – most notably organized football tournaments, but also music hall, cinema, fairs and trips to the seaside. By 1918 the BEF was decidedly proletarian, not just in its composition but also in its values and customs. 相似文献
4.
Peter Swain 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(5):631-649
This article seeks to add to the growing volume of evidence of a broad, tenacious and visible footballing culture throughout nineteenth-century Britain. It is argued that football persisted among the general population in a variety of forms, none of which required the assistance or involvement of the public schools or public schoolboys to ensure its survival as some historians had previously believed. Indeed, the sheer number of games, evidenced in a variety of forms and a variety of settings, suggests beyond reasonable doubt that most forms of football being played across the country were not formal matches but small-sided games played on church, works' or schools' outings, at rural fetes, galas and celebrations, or as street or casual football, the latter taking place on meadows, fields and greens. Contrary to orthodox historians, these games did survive through mid-century. Importantly, these were predominantly small-sided games and are the ones which are closest to Association football as it was codified in 1863 and hence of most interest to the debate on origins. Common sense then dictates that football can be seen as a cultural continuity, especially as far as the traditions of male youth are concerned, across the nineteenth century. 相似文献
5.
Peter Horton 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(11):1611-1629
Football as a generic game-form was a feature of the sporting culture of the settlers of Australia. As the various codes emerged in Britain they were ‘exported’ to the colonies throughout the Empire. In Australia this cultural imposition was not complete for the British games faced significant cultural resistance, most notably from Australian Rules football. The first formal club was founded circa 1865 and by the time a governing body was formed in 1874, the game had acquired distinctive playing and administrative traits and a sporting ethos, These were aberrant to the British form as pragmatic modifications were made in response to the social, cultural and environmental exigencies and demands of the frontier-like context: the game of Rugby immediately became Australianized. This analysis traces the development of the game's culture in Australia through the initial 75 years of its institutionalization and demonstrates that despite its transit through the colonial era, urbanization, nationalism, federation and the travails of two World Wars, aspects of the residual culture remained. Rugby football, established in NSW and Queensland as a feature of the cultural hegemony of British Imperialism, prevailed largely unchanged in terms of power relations, ideology, finances and success over its first 75 years. This discussion reflects upon the critical influences, incidents and individuals that impacted upon and shaped Rugby union football in NSW and Queensland up to the founding of the Australian Rugby Football Union, which took until 1949 to occur. 相似文献
6.
Tony Collins 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(9):1127-1142
The origins of the modern football codes have attracted considerable attention from historians of sport over the past two decades, resulting in a vigorous debate between the self-described ‘revisionists’, led by Adrian Harvey, and the followers of Eric Dunning, dubbed by their opponents as the ‘orthodox’ view. However, this article argues that both sides commit the same methodological errors: an overestimation of the importance of written rules, an ahistoric view of culture and continuity, and a tendency to view the past through the lens of the present. By re-examining the historical record of early forms of football and presenting a broader contextual perspective for the emergence of the football codes in the 1840 to 1880 period, the article aims to address some of the key historiographical issues that confront historians of sport today. 相似文献
7.
Peter Swain 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(17):2212-2229
This article presents original and compelling new material in ‘the origins of football debate’, this time from the period 1852–1856, using the British Library's digitisation project of nineteenth-century newspapers. In so doing, it addresses the alleged disappearance of football in the wider community in mid-century, a problem that has troubled a number of scholars, not least because of the rapid expansion in the game amongst the working and lower middle classes from the 1870s onwards. In addressing this allegation it outlines a much broader and more stable footballing culture across the country than hitherto thought, based on games played at church, work and school outings, rural fetes and galas, alongside those played at celebrations and as street football or casual games in meadows, fields or greens, arguing that those historians who have simply looked for formal games were looking for the wrong forms of football in the wrong places, based on twentieth-century notions of what constitutes a ‘game’ of football. Overall, the article has added yet more evidence of the cultural continuity of football across the mid-century and contributed to the continuing demise of the so-called ‘dominant paradigm’ in the ‘origins of football’ debate. 相似文献
8.
《Sport in History》2013,33(3):405-425
This article examines the history of football, migration and industrial patronage in the counties of Ayrshire and Lanarkshire, Scotland, during the formative years of the Scottish Football Association (1870–1900). It begins with an overview on the formation of clubs and associations in the two counties up to 1900. The article focuses on two specific case studies: one investigates football's relationship to Irish migration in Larkhall, Lanarkshire; the other examines the patronage of football clubs by paternalist coalmasters Bairds of Gartsherrie. Throughout this article, local football is observed in the context of class and religious identity within the two counties, as well as analyses of both the significance and limits of elite patronage in early Scottish football. 相似文献
9.
AbstractMatch-fixing has been a key term in Chinese professional football since its inception in the early 1990s. In the light of notorious match-fixing scandals, criticism has arisen that the professionalization of football and the inflow of the free market system mirror the evils of capitalism in post-reform Chinese society. This paper, however, aims to offer an alternative perspective on the inherent governing deficiencies of Chinese professional football, to elaborate on the causes of these match-fixing incidents. By analyzing the status of each corruption-involved actor within the governance structure of Chinese professional football, the paper argues that the following factors collectively account for a large part of the historical and institutional causation of the rampant match-fixing scandals in Chinese professional football: the underplayed role of sport law; the overplayed role of Chinese Football Association officials; the ambiguous ownership and decision-making processes of the clubs; and, the powerless and unprotected role of the referees, the players, and the coaches. 相似文献
10.
Benjamin Litherland 《Sport in History》2015,35(3):391-418
During the winter of 1905/6, Olympia held a series of spectacular indoor, electrically lit football matches. Organised by the showman Edwin Cleary, the purpose of these matches was to provide entertaining shows to large audiences. Using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of fields, this article argues that such an organisation was a continuation of a longer interaction between sport and the stage that was restricted during the coalescence of the sporting and exercise field in the late nineteenth century. The ultimate failure of the venture, moreover, is attributed to the power of the Football Association in the sub-field of football. The article uses the football games as a case study to demonstrate the usefulness of this theory to the study of sport more broadly. 相似文献
11.
《Sport in History》2013,33(4):519-543
This article presents extensive new material in ‘the origins of football debate’ by using the British Library's digitisation project of nineteenth-century newspapers. In so doing, it responds to claims from Graham Curry and Eric Dunning that previous works of the ‘revisionist historians’ John Goulstone, Adrian Harvey and Peter Swain are misleading and have led to hasty conclusions. It evidences a football culture beyond the domain of the public schools and highlights the shift in the locus of games from urban areas to paddocks and fields complying with the Highways and Police Acts. This compliance reduced the number of prosecutions covered in newspaper reports of the day but other games, in which misdemeanours took place, are recorded, suggesting that a broad football culture did still exist in this period. The article rejects Curry and Dunning's thesis surrounding a mid-century ‘civilising spurt’ in sport in favour of explanations surrounding the structural changes taking place in the nineteenth century, including increasing industrialisation, urbanisation, population growth, and migrationary movements. It also emphasises the emergence of a horizontally stratified class-based society and an attack on football games from an emerging social and industrial elite who were looking after their property and commercial interests. 相似文献
12.
Chris Bolsmann 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(16):1947-1961
A growing body of academic and popular literature considers the history of South African football. These and existing publications pay little or no attention to the emergence of white professional football in apartheid South Africa. The National Football League (NFL) challenged the amateur game and introduced professional football to the country. During its 17-year existence, the NFL grew each season with large attendances until its demise in 1977. In addition, the NFL imported a range of international players, invited foreign teams and actively engaged in the political debates in South African sport at the time. The NFL was instrumental in popularising the game across the country for all South Africans. The NFL became the most popular sports entertainment of choice for South Africans during this period. Finally, the NFL actively engaged in a campaign of destroying rival non-racial anti-apartheid leagues while simultaneously co-opting less progressive organisations. 相似文献
13.
Mark Falcous 《Soccer & Society》2015,16(4):555-572
This paper interrogates the media articulation of football/soccer to New Zealand national consciousness during the 2010 FIFA World Cup. 541 articles from national and regional newspapers and Internet news sites were gathered and analysed using a critically discursive approach. I argue that the press re-framed football within the national sporting imagination in the context of a narcissistic nationalism. Coverage was underpinned by several interlocking themes. First, falsely positing football as ethnically inclusive by emphasizing Māori players’ presence in the national team. Second, the entrenchment of archetypes and caricatures of both others and the national self. This included the evocation of a mythic New Zealand masculinity, with specific individuals lionized as key embodiments of the fictive national character. Third, the caricaturing of other nationalities is also used to bolster the national self – in particular the Italians and Australians. Such framings resonate with long-standing themes in the selective construction of a settler-informed New Zealand nationalism. Coverage, however, ignores the complexity of how individuals are flexibly and ambiguously articulated to the nation, particularly in the context of the global football labour market. 相似文献
14.
Gustav Venter 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(2):265-285
During the 1970s, a number of prominent British and Irish footballers – the likes of which included Gordon Banks, George Best, Bobby Charlton, Geoff Hurst and Bobby Moore – played as ‘guest players’ on a short-term basis for various clubs in South Africa's National Football League (NFL), a ‘whites-only’ professional league that spanned the period 1959–1977. Coupled with this, NFL clubs from the outset also secured the services of additional foreign players of lesser standing on longer term contracts in an attempt to improve the standard of play. The strategy of importing high-profile ‘guests’ during the 1970s ultimately proved unsuccessful in sustaining the league as it disbanded after the 1977 season. Utilising archival documentation, contemporary media reports and existing football works, this essay aims to establish the reasons behind the NFL's demise. Two particular factors under consideration are the erosion of the league's entertainment value and the deteriorating economic conditions within South Africa at the time. These elements are juxtaposed with additional factors such as the rise in popularity of multiracial football, the resulting drain of sponsorship away from the white professional game, as well as political machinations within South Africa during this period. 相似文献
15.
Manchester and the Emergence of an Association Football Culture, 1840–1880: An Alternative Viewpoint
This paper provides a critique of the article by Gary James and Dave Day on ‘The Emergence of an Association Football Culture in Manchester, 1840–1884', published in Sport in History. We suggest an alternative interpretation of Manchester's football history during this period, arguing that Association football was a minor form of football in a city largely dominated by the rugby code. Furthermore, by employing an artificial construct of Manchester the authors have produced the wrong answer to the wrong question. Rather than trying to prove that Manchester developed an important Association football culture, we suggest they ought to have addressed the question of why such a culture did not exist. The contribution to the development of Association football of three isolated ‘transitory’ clubs in a city as large as Manchester is certainly not ‘substantial’. Subsequently, James and Day also fail to exploit fully their evidence for early football in the Manchester area by omitting to relate this properly to the much wider ongoing debate surrounding the origins of football. Conversely, there is ample evidence that ‘substantial’ Association football developments actually occurred in East Lancashire, centred on Bolton, Blackburn and Darwen, developments that are scarcely noted in James and Day's account. 相似文献
16.
This paper examines the impact of qualification for the 2006 World Cup on football participation in Australia. Australia’s qualification for the 2006 World Cup created widespread media coverage across the country, and this was amplified by the fact that it was only the second time the nation had qualified for the event. Contrary to a number of studies that have examined sport participation legacy and major events, this research presents data that suggest an overall positive trend in Australian football participation post Australia’s successful World Cup qualification. Three of the four demographic categories examined in the study had witnessed increased football participation across the examined period. 相似文献
17.
Bruce Kennedy 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(18):2388-2404
The Victorian Football League (VFL) was formed following an acrimonious split with the Victorian Football Association at the end of the 1896 season. Despite being based around clubs located only in Melbourne and Geelong, the VFL soon became Australia's premier football competition. Although much has been written about League players who served in the armed forces during the two world wars, less attention has been given to identifying the issues and challenges that football competitions, and the VFL in particular, had to address if they were to continue to function during times of military conflict. Trials faced by organisers of the code were logistical, political and moral. Player and administrator shortages and a restricted number of venues to play at, were the most obvious challenges. The Australian government assumed control of manpower and resources in January 1942 and placed many restrictions on discretional activities of the population. In this context, a general feeling was that there was little room for organised major sporting competitions because they could detract from the war focus. The way society reacted to the constraints shaped football's direction, and the VFL had to interpret government policy and read the mood of the public before deciding whether to continue playing. In the end, the League, despite criticism from some quarters for continuing its competition, sided with the prevailing view that the public needed a diversion to allow them some relaxation from the pressure of war. This article discusses how the VFL responded to a number of key issues during the critical period between 1942 and 1944. 相似文献
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Gavin Kitching 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(13):1733-1749
A close reading of recent contributions to the ‘origins of football’ debate suggests that there is now more consensus among scholars about the broad sequence of events than is rhetorically allowed. However, this consensus itself rests on some shared conceptual and methodological illusions. These include: a continual naivety about the use of the name ‘football’ in the primary source materials; asystematic underestimation of forms of play (and a collateral overestimation of the importance of rules and codifications) in the development of football; and, above all, a widely shared, and very dubious, conviction that the pursuit of the historical origins of football is a meaningful activity. This article analyses each ofthese illusions in turn and suggests some methodological and substantive alternatives to them. These alternatives sum to the conclusion that the origin of both modern football codes is a far more remarkable and many-sided story than has been appreciated, even in the very best research to date. Moreover, it is a story whose many dimensions and implications go well beyond the borders of Britain, and indeed beyond the history of ‘soccer’ or ‘rugby’ alone. 相似文献