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1.
Bruno S. Frey 《Journal of Cultural Economics》1999,23(1-2):71-85
Neglected aspects of state support for the arts are discussed through posing two questions. First, “What kind of state is providing that support?” The extent and type of public support and its effects on the arts crucially depends on whether the state is centralised or decentralised, and on whether it is authoritarian or democratic. Second, “How is artistic creativity fostered?” ”Institutional creativity” is best supported by attributing a large role to the market and market-like institutions. “Personal creativity” hinges on intrinsic motivation, which may be crowded out by different types of public support. Important consequences for the public support of the arts follow. 相似文献
2.
Public Deliberation and Governance: Engaging with Science and Technology in Contemporary Europe 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
Whilst public engagement in decisions concerning science and technology is widely extolled, research shows that the application
of deliberative democratic theory remains – at least in Europe – highly constrained. Science and technology policy requires
closer attention to the wider context of governance and the compatibility of public deliberation with established modes of policy-making. 相似文献
3.
In this paper we critically review recent developments in policies, practices and philosophies pertaining to the mediation
between science and the public within the EU and the UK, focusing in particular on the current paradigm of Public Understanding
of Science and Technology (PEST) which seeks to depart from the science information-transmission associated with previous
paradigms, and enact a deliberative democracy model. We first outline the features of the current crisis in democracy and
discuss deliberative democracy as a response to this crisis. We then map out and critically review the broad outlines of recent
policy developments in public-science mediation in the EU and UK contexts, focusing on the shift towards the deliberative-democratic
model. We conclude with some critical thoughts on the complex interrelationships between democracy, equality, science and
informal pedagogies in public-science mediations. We argue that science and democracy operate within distinct value-spheres
that are not necessarily consonant with each other. We also problematize the now common dismissal of information-transmission
of science as inimical to democratic engagement, and argue for a reassessment of the role and importance of informal science
learning for the “lay” public, provided within the framework of a deliberative democracy that is not reducible to consensus
building or the mere expression of opinions rooted in social and cultural givens. This, we argue, can be delivered by a model
of PEST that is creative and experimental, with both educational and democratic functions. 相似文献
4.
《Journal of Cultural Economy》2013,6(1):85-102
Efforts to make (and keep) knowledge public have provided a powerful counter-model to the recent expansion of exclusive intellectual property rights in such arenas as information technology, digital media, biological research, and pharmaceutical access. While sympathetic to the impulse to counteract the new ‘enclosures’ with knowledge made public, this essay critically interrogates some of the constitutive limits – in fact, the constitutive outsides – to these counter formulations. Paying particular attention to how public domain initiatives, like their strict intellectual property counterparts, also police the line between the proper and the improper copy, I argue that mechanisms for keeping knowledge public do not just circle the wagons against the predations of the Monsantos and Microsofts of the world. In their rhetorical and normative commitments to the proper copy, they also risk reproducing some of the same constrictions and exclusions that we tend to associate with (privatized) acts of enclosure itself. I explore this argument first in reference to creative commons and copyright, which can reproduce a strong ideological commitment to improvement – ‘innovation’ or ‘creativity’ – against the mere copy. What is the cost, I ask, of making the idea of improvement the price of admission not just to intellectual property claims, but to participation in newly ‘democratic’ public and common spaces of knowledge production? Second, I look to global pharmaceutical politics – specifically, regulatory efforts to improve access to cheaper copied and generic drugs in Argentina – to raise questions about the public domain's normative place in the continued expansion and harmonization of intellectual property regimes in the so-called global South. Together, these discussions suggest how the public domain and the commons, like their IP counterparts, can rhetorically and normatively expand and be secured against the improper copy. 相似文献
5.
David Tyfield 《Minerva》2012,50(2):149-167
Science and technology policy is both faced by unprecedented challenges and itself undergoing seismic shifts. First, policy is increasingly demanding of science that it fixes a set of epochal and global crises. On the other hand, practices of scientific research are changing rapidly regarding geographical dispersion, the institutions and identities of those involved and its forms of knowledge production and circulation. Furthermore, these changes are accelerated by the current upheavals in public funding of research, higher education and technology development in the wake of the economic crisis. The paper outlines an agenda for science & technology policy studies in terms of a research programme of a ‘cultural political economy of research and innovation’ (CPERI). First, the implications of the overlapping crises for science policy analysis are discussed. Secondly, three rough constellations of contemporary approaches to science policy are critically compared, namely: a techno-statist Keynesian governance; a neoliberal marketplace of ideas; and co-productionist enabling of democratic debate. CPERI is then introduced, showing how it builds on the strengths of co-production while also specifically targeting two major weaknesses that are of heightened importance in an age of multiple crises, namely neglect of political economy and the concept of power. 相似文献
6.
Jyotirmaya Tripathy 《Journal of Cultural Economy》2017,10(6):498-509
Development is concerned with the biological security and well-being of people, and so all development theory and practice are biopolitical in a fundamental sense. The paper argues that for development to be made meaningful, it needs to legitimate itself through the production of healthy bodies, which can be realized through food security, immunization drives, and housing schemes among others. A postcolonial democratic state like India makes an effort to protect its people from hunger and draws its legitimacy from the same. Yet at the same time, the supposed development of the nation implies a concurrent elision of the weak and the vulnerable. Drawing upon India’s experiment with food security, public distribution systems, and other similar schemes, the paper advances an idea of development that is not only inherently biopolitical, but also a compromise between the commitment to protect people from hunger and the need for working around international agencies. While doing so, the paper borrows from the theoretical vocabulary of Foucault, Agamben, and others to historicize the modernist idea of protecting citizens as well as the reality of deaths from hunger and development-induced displacement. 相似文献
7.
Ariane König 《Minerva》2007,45(3):275-294
Food safety is a preoccupation of the European Commission, but there are major shortcomings in its governance. Reviewing legislation and practice, this paper explores the background of EU food safety institutions, and develops recommendations to make the EU decision process more transparent, accountable, and democratic. 相似文献
8.
Svilen Veselinov Trifonov 《Journal of International and Intercultural Communication》2017,10(3):237-254
This essay examines the role of the carnivalesque in three performances of protest during the antigovernment street protests in Bulgaria in 2013. They represent a form of protest that symbolically inverts the established rituals of a political regime unwilling to recognize the voice of the people in an allegedly democratic nation-state. My analysis intersects scholarship on the rhetoric of social movements, carnivalesque performances of protest, and the rhetorical force of iconic images of protest. Through my analysis I reveal how the carnivalesque allowed activists to move beyond the norms of democratic dissent in their protests against governmental oppression. 相似文献
9.
This article examines the reproduction of colorblindness discourse in selected post-1994 South African studies in economics, education, literature, philosophy, and sociology. It argues that the presence of dominant racial ideologies in this scholarship is emblematic of an active investment in maintaining racialized privileges. As it illustrates some of the rhetorical mechanisms that inform the articulation of colorblindness discourse at large, it shows that unpacking colorblind rhetoric is itself necessary if we are to make sense of the research emphases, arguments, logics, and findings of a significant body of South African scholarship on race published since the advent of democratic rule. 相似文献
10.
Vojislava Filipcevic 《Culture, Theory & Critique》2013,54(1):65-91
Abstract Three New York films of the Great Depression and its aftermath, 42nd Street (1932, Lloyd Bacon), Dead End (1937, William Wyler), and The City (1939, Ralph Steiner and Willard Van Dyke), embodied a new political aesthetics in screening urban democratic spaces during moments of social breakdown. This article draws from urban and cinema studies, as well as from social and cultural theory (Lefebvre, Benjamin, Kracauer), to show how these films contributed to a discourse of urban planning and cinematic democratic aesthetics on the possibility of an egalitarian, inclusive, participatory community in diverse city spaces. The article argues that the reshaping of this cultural discourse, through the films’ emphasis on the conflicting material domains of the skyline and the slum, came at the cost of undermining the metropolis and, in The City, of limiting the urban spaces of democracy. 相似文献
11.
Azeta Hatef Tanner R. Cooke 《Journal of International and Intercultural Communication》2020,13(2):114-129
ABSTRACTUtilizing a political economic framework, this study investigates the development and expansion of independent media in Afghanistan, focusing on one of the largest private media companies in the country, Moby Group. The company's approach to producing media is tied to its complex location as a translocal/transnational media entity. The company serves a unique population and navigates complex relationships locally and globally (operating in an emerging democratic state negotiating neoliberal market imperatives). This paper argues American-backed development of state-independent media and the rise of private companies such as Moby Group are part of larger geopolitical practices that further U.S. interests and the neoliberal agenda globally. 相似文献
12.
Here we present the framework of a new approach to assessing the capacity of research programs to achieve social goals. Research
evaluation has made great strides in addressing questions of scientific and economic impacts. It has largely avoided, however,
a more important challenge: assessing (prospectively or retrospectively) the impacts of a given research endeavor on the non-scientific,
non-economic goals—what we here term “public values”—that often are the core public rationale for the endeavor. Research programs
are typically justified in terms of their capacity to achieve public values, and that articulation of public values is pervasive
in science policy-making. We outline the elements of a case-based approach to “public value mapping” of science policy, with
a particular focus on developing useful criteria and methods for assessing “public value failure,” with an intent to provide
an alternative to “market failure” thinking that has been so powerful in science policy-making. So long as research evaluation
avoids the problem of public values, science policy decision makers will have little help from social science in making choices
among competing paths to desired social outcomes. 相似文献
13.
14.
Budget constraints at the local government level towards the provision of public goods have fuelled interest in the voluntary contribution and provision point mechanisms. However, due to their public nature, these mechanisms are not without problems. The literature shows the presence of free riding and socially inefficient contribution levels. This paper experimentally tests the effect of cultural and historical information pertaining to heritage houses in Penang, Malaysia, on public contributions for their conservation. This paper considers a standard linear one-shot four-person public good game and the decision of the subjects being to contribute either to a private or to a public account. We devise 4 treatments: a Control treatment, a treatment where subjects are provided with cultural and historical information pertaining to the heritage houses, a treatment that includes a contribution threshold, and finally a treatment that combines the use of cultural and historical information with the contribution threshold. The main finding shows that 60–75 % of the subjects contributed more than what they believed others in the same group would contribute when they were provided with the pertinent cultural and historical information. Most of the subjects contributed less than their belief, while 75–77 % cooperated ‘selfishly’ in treatments without the information. These findings are in agreement with the literature, namely that contributions are higher in treatments with a contribution threshold. Moreover, the combination of a contribution threshold and cultural information could encourage more pro-social behaviours. 相似文献
15.
Glen O’Hara 《Journal of Cultural Economy》2019,12(1):1-20
Britain’s exit from the European Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992 and the Second Iraq War in 2003 are two infamous examples of disastrous policy, but governments blunder all the time – whatever party is in power. Infrastructure projects overrun. The aims and techniques of different departments clash. Scandals erupt among officials and politicians. Controversies stymie attempts at agreement and consensus. But why exactly do these failures happen? Are they more or less widespread than in the private sector? And can studying British governments’ decision-making across the twentieth century improve it in the future? In his May 2018 inaugural lecture, Professor O'Hara recommended a slow, deliberative, transparent, democratic and above all humble and sensitive approach in order to avoid another Black Wednesday or ruinous war – an approach in contrast to the populist tone of much recent debate. 相似文献
16.
Michael Getzner 《Journal of Cultural Economics》2002,26(4):287-306
Austria calls itself a ``cultural nation' as the arts, the performing arts (theaters) and museums, in particular, play an important role in public debate. However, the question arises as to whether public cultural expenditures as an indication of the significance of cultural policy are really as important when compared to other policy fields as political parties and the government try to suggest. A time series of public cultural expenditures for the period from 1967 to 1998 is taken as a basis for testing econometrically whether public expenditures (measured primarily as the ratio to GDP) follow a growth path. Based on tests for the stationarity of the time series of cultural expenditures in Austria, there are empirical indications that cultural expenditures, gross domestic product (GDP) and the relative price index (GDP and government expenditures) are cointegrated. Further econometric estimations (error-correction models) show that cultural expenditures increase with growing GDP but are vulnerable to short term fluctuations. Additionally, ``Baumol's cost disease' adds to the long-term growth of cultural expenditures. In the past the growth path of cultural expenditures has been stable and independent of the ideology of ruling parties, the form of government and political business cycles. 相似文献
17.
In recent years the economic performance of public non-profit sectors such as cultural services has become an interesting
economic issue. This is due to the high dependence of cultural institutions on public funding on the one hand and the increasing
cost-pressure on public budgets on the other hand. In order to achieve an efficient, cost-minimizing resource allocation public
authorities who decide on the distribution of public budgets need reliable performance indicators. Against this background,
this paper analyzes the efficiency of German public theaters for the seasons 1991/1992–2005/2006. Using a stochastic frontier
analysis approach, we test whether the assumption of cost-minimizing behavior is reliable in this sector. Moreover, several
panel data models that differ in their ability to account for unobserved heterogeneity are applied to evaluate the impact
of unobserved heterogeneity on the efficiency estimates. The results indicate that the cost-minimizing assumption cannot be
maintained. Consequently, an efficiency analysis based on a cost function approach seems inappropriate in the case of German
public theaters. Further, we find a considerable unobserved heterogeneity across the theaters, which causes a significant
variation in the models’ efficiency estimates. This implies that failing to account for unobserved heterogeneity leads to
biased efficiency values. Overall, our results suggest that there is still space for improvement in the employment of resources
in the sector. 相似文献
18.
The paper deals with financing the culture in Italy. The public expenses for the culture are shared as expenses of the government, of the regions, of the provinces and of the municipalities. The relationships of the cultural organisations with the public sector are very strong because they belong to the public sector, or they broadly depend on public funds.A specific attention is devoted to other forms of financing, about the role of the entrance fees and the entrances of the game “Lotto”, which subsidy the cultural goods and the Interministerial Committee for the Economic Planning (CIPE) allocations to the depressed areas. We will also be faced up to the examination of other sources of private financing as the sponsorships, the entrances of collateral services about museum visits (coffee and bookstore) and the supply of banking foundations. The fiscal incentives refer directly to the cultural institution or to the external financing of the nonprofit institutions by donations or sponsorships. Finally, the cultural institutions will have always to operate more and more by a strategic vision of financial and managerial field, on the basis of high qualitative standards. The activities and cultural projects will have to be able to attract additional sources of income in addition to the public one; the search of private financial resources is developed in a situation of increasing competition among the institutions, while tools of innovative finance have to be used to satisfy the increasing demand of culture. It is difficult nevertheless to define the possible best method of public–private financing, if you take consideration of the distinctive features of the different institutions and interests of the operators who are involved: artists, cultural institutions, public bureaucracy, besides the economic effects which follow alternative choices. The recent evolution of the institutional, financial and managerial models of the culture in Italy plans a larger integration between public and private sectors for a great involvement of individuals, enterprises and foundations about the financing of the cultural services offer. 相似文献
19.
As public research organisations are increasingly driven by their national and regional governments to engage in knowledge
transfer, they have started to support the creation of companies. These research based spin-off companies (RBSOs) often keep
contacts with the research institutes they originate from. In this paper we present the results of a study of four research
institutes within two universities and two non-university public research organisations (PROs) in the Netherlands. We show
that research organisations have distinct motivations to support the creation of spin-off companies. In terms of resources
RBSOs contribute, mostly in a modest way, to research activities by providing information, equipment and monetary resources.
In particular, RBSOs are helpful for researchers competing for research grants that demand participation of industry. Furthermore,
RBSOs may be seen as a proactive response by Dutch public research organisations to demands of economic relevance from their
institutional environment. RBSOs enhance the prestige of their parent organisations and create legitimacy for public funds
invested in PROs. At the same time, most RBSOs do not have a significant impact on the direction of the research conducted
at the PROs. 相似文献
20.
《Journal of International and Intercultural Communication》2013,6(3):181-201
Abstract This article addresses the pedagogical aspects of cross-cultural communication, dialogue and democratic pluralism. Analysis of a classroom conversation about unrepaired levees in New Orleans and the media demonstrates the complexities that can arise when addressing race. Intercultural communication research has offered useful attention to these complexities, which have a direct link to the objectives of dialogue and pluralism. The article asserts that pluralism requires affective and cognitive recognition of that which offends and is beyond one's imagination, and that acts of racialized misrecognition often hold within them the practices of justice and hope. 相似文献