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1.
In this article, we quantitatively assess education policy change in OECD countries. While research has frequently underlined the importance of international exchange for national policy development, it is yet unclear whether resulting policies are converging. By distinguishing different kinds of education policy goals, we hypothesise that indicators related to macro-level goals are more likely to converge than those related to implementation. We then analyse the development of several education policies since the 1990s. We find strong convergence of some indicators and among some groups of countries, but no clear pattern emerges. Convergence is only partially influenced by the abstractness of education policy goals, and in particular the Scandinavian countries seem to pursue their own approaches in important education policy options. 相似文献
2.
Parents’ attitudes toward the english education policy in Taiwan 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Yuh Fang Chang 《Asia Pacific Education Review》2008,9(4):423-435
Taiwan, like many other countries in Asia, introduced considerable changes in English education policy in response to the
need for English communication in the global market. During the process of implementing the new English education policy,
the Ministry of Education (MOE) of Taiwan encountered several problems. Although researchers have examined other issues concerning
the implementation of the English education policy, such as the shortage of trained English teaching personnel, the selection
of textbooks and the difficulty of teaching a class of heterogeneous learners, parental attitudes toward or expectations for
the English education policy itself remain unexplored. Parental opinions about English education and the extent to which parents
support English education reform play a large role in the success of the implementation of the policy and are important factors
for the government to consider when shaping future education policies. The perspectives of parents, therefore, should be included
in a research-based examination. This study surveyed the opinions of Taiwanese parents on current English education policy
and practice. 相似文献
3.
Studies about religion and education in post-Mao China have become more common in recent years, but very few have touched on teacher and religious education at the basic education level. This study adopted a mixed methodology approach (questionnaire, interview and lesson design analysis) to report Chinese pre-service teachers’ interpretations of religious policy in citizenship education. The analyses of the findings reveal that pre-service teachers actively constructed their understandings of religion-citizenship, rather than passively adopting the officially promoted religion-citizenship relationship. 相似文献
4.
Charlene Tan 《Educational research; a review for teachers and all concerned with progress in education》2016,58(2):195-206
AbstractBackground: This article critically discusses the key tensions and challenges arising from the educational policy borrowing in China, through its current education reform. Focussing on the new curriculum reform (NCR), the paper highlights the interactions and conflicts between foreign and local ideologies and practices.Sources of evidence: The main sources of evidence that form the basis of the analysis for this article were research data from an open-ended questionnaire and semi-structured interviews conducted with 166 school principals, vice-principals and teachers from China between 2013 and 2015.Main argument: It is argued that the NCR has borrowed selective ideas and practices from elsewhere, such as a school-based curriculum, student-centred pedagogy and formative assessment. It is further suggested that the borrowed policies are mediated and moderated by the ideological attitude of the Chinese educational stakeholders, stemming from the notion of ‘theory-ladenness’ within an exam-oriented paradigm.Conclusions: The example of China illustrates the effects of an ideological attitude on educational policy borrowing that challenges the notion of universally appropriate ways of teaching, learning and reforming an educational system. 相似文献
5.
Thomas E. Glass 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(2):105-121
The history of education for native American (Indian) children has been significantly affected by the shifting policies of Republican and Democratic administrations in Washington, DC. For more than a hundred years the resources allocated to educate Indian children have increased and diminished according to the political philosophies and whims of the political party in power. The resulting confusion of policy, best described as a quagmire, has been that Indian children have been victims of a federal neglect that has led to near cultural genocide. No authority maintains that Indian children have received the educational support, health services, and vocational training necessary for them to have a chance to become productive and contributing citizens in the general society. Today, American Indians are among the most poorly educated, least vocationally trained, and most unemployed of minority groups. This paper attempts to show the relationship between political philosophies and acts of federal administrations and their impact on education programs for Indians across the nation. The reader will be able to see a pattern of policy development based more on political needs rather than educational needs of Native Americans. 相似文献
6.
Steinar Bøyum 《教育政策杂志》2014,29(6):856-870
Educational policy depends on assumptions about fairness in education, whether they are made explicit or kept implicit. Without a view of fairness, one would be in the dark as to what should be done about the reproduction of social inequality through education, or whether or not anything should be done at all. The aim of this paper is to uncover the view of fairness in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) education policy. It is based on an analysis of the normative argumentation concerning educational fairness in a set of policy documents from the last seven years, with special emphasis on the association between social background and educational achievement. The main result of the analysis is that the OECD explicitly operate with a loose idea of equal opportunity, compatible with even a merely formal equality, but implicitly with a meritocratic variant of fair equality of opportunity. In the final section, I argue that the OECD approach to fairness suffers from a limitation in that it considers educational justice in isolation from social justice in general. 相似文献
7.
Andrew Skourdoumbis 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2016,36(4):505-517
This paper draws on facets of Foucault's theoretical resources to critique current education policy reform from within the Australian State of Victoria, namely the Department of Education and Early Childhood Development's (DEECD) discussion paper New directions for school leadership and the teaching profession. Implicit in the reform effort is decentralization, including penalties for “underperforming” classroom teachers and “ineffective” teacher education courses. Principals will hold a pre-eminent rank in the reforms proposed as they are charged with their oversight and implementation, including intervening in the education and preparation of pre-service teachers. 相似文献
8.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(2):159-172
Recent scholarship has identified the emergence of a new modality of policy work: the mediatisation of policy. This paper provides an Australian case study which reports on the tactics of an Australian Federal Minister of Education and a media commentator who both engaged in public pedagogical work for the purpose of spinning education policy. In particular, we argue that this example of the mediatisation of education policy has worked to stifle pedagogical innovation as advocates of middle schooling reform struggle against what appears to be a backlash to the social-democratic reforms of the post-World War II era. Such backlash politics is understood in terms of a struggle to maintain the role of teachers as curriculum designers and not be merely technicians; to sustain critically reflective learning communities of colleagues and friends; and not succumb to pedagogies of resentment that are driven by a logic of deficit views of students and their communities. 相似文献
9.
《British Journal of Educational Studies》2012,60(3):230-244
Abstract The education policy of Conservative governments in Britain since 1979 is sometimes said to be contradictory. It purports to empower the consumer, but legislation has given the lie to this, vesting ever greater powers in central government, less so in Scotland, the more so in England and Wales. In short, education policy contains mixed messages, or contradictions. But these contradictions to some extent express the tensions which have become apparent in an age of transition: that between the modern and the postmodern, or between Fordist and ‘disorganised’ forms of capitalism. A new mode of regulation is being established within the agencies of the welfare state. It reveals an isomorphic structure ‐ at the level of the pupil, the teacher, the parent and the school ‐ whose purpose is the management of consent, and whose justification appeals to the culture of consumption. The analysis is illustrated mainly with reference to Scotland. 相似文献
10.
Many researchers studying the impact of parliamentary devolution conclude that education policies in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are diverging. They attribute this to five factors: the redistribution of formal powers associated with devolution; differences in values, ideologies and policy discourses across the four territories; the different composition, interests and policy styles of their policy communities; the different ‘situational logics’ of policy-making and the mutual independence of policy decisions in the different territories. This article reviews trends in higher education (HE) policy across the UK since parliamentary devolution. It focuses on policies for student fees and student support, for widening participation, for supporting research and for the HE contribution to economic development, skills and employability. On balance, it finds as much evidence of policy convergence, or at least of constraints on divergence, as of policy divergence. It argues that each of the five factors claimed to promote divergence can be associated with corresponding pressures for convergence. 相似文献
11.
《International Journal of Educational Development》1998,18(4):289-304
China has made great efforts to vocationalise its senior secondary education in the belief that vocational education better than general education can prepare young people with the skills needed for employment in industry. This runs against a large empirical literature from the last few decades arguing strongly against vocational education on employment opportunity and cost-effectiveness grounds. This paper examines the relationship between employees' educational (and other) backgrounds and their performance in the workplace, as well as their income, based on a survey of 1433 employees in two cities in China. It concludes that pre-employment education gives better work performance, but that vocational education does not lead to better performance than general education. 相似文献
12.
Does policy matter in shadow education spending? Revisiting the effects of the high school equalization policy in South Korea 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Soo-yong Byun 《Asia Pacific Education Review》2010,11(1):83-96
In 1972, the South Korean government proposed the high school equalization policy (HSEP) to eliminate high-stakes exams and
introduce random school assignment to high school entrance. This policy was intended to reduce a financial burden imposed
on families due to the costs of children’s shadow education. Since its first implementation in major cities in 1974, the HSEP
has been increasingly expanded to many regions across South Korea. Yet little known is about whether the HSEP has achieved
its policy goal in terms of decreasing the demand for shadow education. Using data from a longitudinal survey of a nationally
representative sample of South Korean seventh graders, this study assesses the extent to which the HSEP makes a difference
in changes in household expenditures on shadow education during the middle school (grades 7–9). Propensity score matching
methods are used to remove selection bias and test the heterogeneity of the effects of the HSEP. Results show small effects
for the HSEP in reducing the financial burden of shadow education spending on families, particularly for lower income families.
The findings suggest that the government intervention by reducing disparities among schools and competition for entering a
particular school makes a difference in shadow education spending. 相似文献
13.
Bob Lingard 《The Australian Educational Researcher》2016,43(1):15-33
This paper provides a case study of the Centre for Independent Studies (CIS) in Australia with a focus on its education policy work, specifically the report, School funding on a budget (SFoB). CIS is a conservative right wing advocacy think tank, established in 1976 in the aftermath of the Whitlam government’s policy activism, framed by classical liberalism or neoliberalism with a provenance in the political economy of Hayek and Friedman. As such, it is committed to smaller government, individual responsibility and more market driven solutions to social problems. CIS gives more emphasis to academic research than other think tanks of its kind. This paper theorises think tanks as hybrid, boundary spanning organisations that work across academic, media, political and economic fields. An argument is proffered that it is the restructured state, with its loss of research capacity and fast policy making, which has strengthened opportunities for think tank influence across the policy cycle in education. With SFoB, CIS used a political moment, the first Abbott federal government budget focused on ‘budget repair’, to argue a case for reducing government educational expenditure as a percentage of GDP in the long term. That policy moment was used for recommending the abolition of the federal department of education and further dismantling of public schooling. SFoB is shown to be exemplary of the conservative advocacy think tank report genre in its usage of ‘mediatized’ language, surface accoutrements of academic research, and user focus. SFoB is a manifestation of what can be seen as the ideas for policy work of CIS, dressed up as research. 相似文献
14.
《International Journal of Educational Development》1995,15(1):27-36
In the People's Republic in China, government policies are aimed at enabling the country to achieve by the year 2050 the same standard of economic development as the middle group of developed countries, such as Portugal and Greece, reached in 1990. Education supported by television has been given an important role to play, but China's policy and practice in television education has changed considerably since 1978. The remarkable growth of the television universities, started in 1979 with a terrestrial broadcasting system, was aided by a large World Bank loan. Reforms of the late 1980s in higher education led to a decline in undergraduate numbers in these universities, but other reforms enabled them to serve new groups, such as those requiring specialised vocational courses. Next, the government decided to establish a satellite television system for education, to serve several purposes including in-service training for primary and secondary school teachers, and “post-university” television education for technicians, managers and professional staff. The outcomes of these changing policies have been monitored and to some extent evaluated, raising questions about the future of television education in China. 相似文献
15.
16.
Katie Fitzpatrick 《Sex education》2018,18(5):601-609
In 2015, the New Zealand Ministry of Education released a new curriculum policy document for sexuality education in all schools – Sexuality Education: A Guide for Boards of Trustees, Principals and Teachers. This policy is a rare international example of a curriculum document that explicitly values diversity, promotes inclusive school environments, and approaches sexuality education as an area of study (rather than a health promotion intervention). Since its release, the document has, however, gained little attention either of a scholarly nature or in terms of dedicated implementation in schools. One exception is a recent article in this journal by Sarah Garland-Levett, which raises some interesting and important concerns about the possibilities of such policy documents. I follow her lead here and continue the discussion about the place and potential of progressive sexuality education policy, and offer some thoughts about the content and intentions of this text. 相似文献
17.
In July 1999 the House of Parliament in Cyprus passed the Education Act for Children with Special Needs, according to which all children have the right to be educated in their neighbouring regular school together with their age‐mates. An important component of this law is that it introduces, for the first time, inclusive education into pre‐primary education. A child can be considered as having special needs only when he/she has attained the age of 3 years or older. The purpose of this paper is to examine how the policy of inclusive education is implemented in pre‐primary schools in Cyprus, to investigate whether some children are still marginalized (after the implementation of the new law) and, if they are, to identify factors influencing marginalization or acting as a barrier to inclusion. We also briefly present the results from a study we conducted that supports the discussion of the issues raised in this paper. 相似文献
18.
Jim Ryder Malena Lidar Eva Lundqvist Leif Östman 《International Journal of Science Education》2018,40(5):538-563
We explore the experiences of school science teachers as they enact three linked national curriculum and assessment policy reforms in Sweden. Our goal is to understand teachers’ differing responses to these reforms. A sample of 13 teachers engaged in 2 interviews over a 6–9-month period. Interviews included exploration of professional background and school context, perceptions of the aims of the policy reforms and experiences of working with these reforms in the classroom. Analysis was guided by an individual-oriented sociocultural perspective on professional agency. Here teaching is conceptualised as an ongoing interplay between teachers’ knowledge, skills and personal goals, and the characteristics of the social, institutional and policy settings in which they work. Our analysis shows that navigating the ensuing continuities and contradictions results in many different expressions of teacher agency, e.g. loss of autonomy and trust, pushing back, subversion, transfer of authority, and creative tensions. Typically, an individual teacher’s enactment of these reforms involved several of these expressions of agency. We demonstrate that the sociocultural perspective provides insights into teachers’ responses to education policy reform likely to be missed by studies that focus largely on individual teacher knowledge/beliefs about reform or skills in ‘implementing’ reform practices. 相似文献
19.
Tiffany Mary Jones 《Educational Research for Policy and Practice》2009,8(1):35-57
In the past, many Australian state schools avoided teaching about values explicitly. However, the Australian government released
Australia’s first official values education policy in 2005: the National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools (NFVEAS). This framework represents a local manifestation of the recent international values education movement. This study
contributes to an exploration of what, and who, the government’s construction of Australian values privileges. It uncovered
the dominant discourses inherent in the framework through a critical discourse analysis, framing it in relation to the 16
key values education approaches identified in the literature. The data revealed the document’s strong privileging of conservative
values education discourses, particularly civics and citizenship education, values inculcation and character education. In
practice, some Australian schools have been disrupting this move to conservatism by taking more critical and postmodern approaches.
The paper argues for such alternative practices and policy that is more diversified and student-centred. 相似文献
20.
Anna Hogan 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2016,29(3):381-398
This paper makes the argument that new global spatialities and new governance structures in education have important implications for how we think about education policy and do education policy analysis. This context necessitates that researchers engage in new methodologies to ensure that there is a suitable link between their research problem and the methods utilised for its investigation. To this end, I suggest that network ethnography can be conceived as a ‘threshold’ methodology; a new way of looking at social relations in changing times with attendant methodological benefits and shortcomings. Here I constitute the network ethnographer as cyberflâneur, who, like the nineteenth-century flâneur is lured by and attentive to the ‘new’, where they embrace the convergence of space and new technologies to become a well-positioned observer of contemporary policy processes. In focusing on the cyberflâneur, this paper aims to provoke debate amongst policy sociology researchers about how we can reflect on and modify our practice to ensure we are contributing to meaningful research in the twenty-first century. 相似文献