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1.

Using geographic representations to examine choice policies and patterns in a major urban area, this analysis considers how districts in a metropolitan area are responding to competitive incentives in arranging options for African American students. The findings demonstrate that the distribution of districts' school choice policies exclude poorer students of color from the more preferred school options. The decision of districts to open or close their boundaries to non-residents is tied to both the physical proximity of districts to poorer communities, and to their relative status within the local market hierarchy. Thus, rather than seeing districts compete to attract students (and per-pupil funding) from failing schools, we are instead witnessing a process of districts targeting more preferred students—effectively ignoring the potentially lucrative pool of dissatisfied families (and per-pupil funding) in failing districts. This suggests that districts are responding to a set of incentives quite different from the ones envisioned by reformers, so that although choice is opening up school options, better choices are less available for poor students and students of color.  相似文献   

2.
This research contributes to discussions about social inequality in school choices in two ways. First, educational choices include the multitude of options families may consider, including choosing a home in a particular area and home-schooling. Decision-making is considered not at a single point in time, but over children's educational careers. Second, this research explores school choices across school district boundaries to include school choices in suburban and rural, as well as urban districts. I use data from a random sample of families with school-aged children living in the Philadelphia Metropolitan area (including some counties in New Jersey) and other counties throughout Pennsylvania to explore the options that families consider for their children's schooling. The data paint a picture of two constellations of families: those who are white, suburban, and middle-income (who primarily select schools based on their neighborhoods and residences), and those composed of lower-income and urban families of color (who rely more on non-neighborhood school options). The differences between these predispositions toward choice suggest that the expanded school choice policies of urban school districts will have little influence on overall school inequality because of the tendency of white, suburban middle-class families to choose public schools in their relatively privileged, suburban neighborhoods.  相似文献   

3.
The demography of public school enrollment continues to change dramatically, with students of color comprising an increasing proportion of the whole. As such, suburbia, with both White and non-White students, is a place in which integration is more possible in the beginning of the 21st century. Due to the intertwined nature of how these factors affect educational politics in suburban districts, we draw on Hirschman's exit-voice-loyalty framework to examine factors influencing residential and education decisions. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork in seven multiracial suburban districts, this article examines how, and whether, the way in which districts define issues related to increasing diversity shapes the actions they take. The article also examines how district jurisdiction affects the implementation of diversity policies as well as the policies themselves. We argue that policymakers’ decision making, both due to the pressure of exit to less diverse suburban districts and the rising voices of more advantaged residents in the suburban marketplace, has increased inequality within districts, particularly those that we call “multimunicipal,” or districts with multiple, disparate municipalities within the district.  相似文献   

4.
The study seeks to determine the underlying factors contributing to the overrepresentation of minorities in school disciplinary programs. Data from 207 Disciplinary Alternative Education Programs (DAEPs) in Texas are analyzed. The data represent more than 62 % of the student population of Texas school districts. Results support the hypothesis that the ‘whiteness’ of school district undesirably affects the overrepresentation of Black students (but not Hispanic students) in DAEP. Overrepresentation of Black students in disciplinary programs is significantly higher in urban school districts than in rural districts. The findings, however, add a new layer of complexity to the debate on the overrepresentation of minorities in disciplinary programs. This is because not only White school districts are more likely than other districts to exercise their discretionary authority to punish minorities but they also more frequently subject their minority students to mandatory disciplines that are well defined by the state. Plausible explanations of such overrepresentation is offered for future research. Neither wealth nor the districts’ type (urban, suburban, rural and mid-size) have been found to have significant impact on discretionary or mandatory disciplinary actions against minority students.  相似文献   

5.
This study examines the relationship between educational resources (fiscal, personnel and facilities) and school achievement within a large urban/suburban elementary school district. A sequential mixed methods approach reveals inequitable resource allocation trends and patterns between schools within a school district by producing different student outcomes. The educational resources positively correlated to higher school achievement are: higher teacher salaries, newer schools, more multi-purpose space per pupil and less portable classrooms. Without question, White students receive more of these resources than Latino students, low-income students and English Language learners. This study also conducts a multiple comparative case study analysis comparing between Title I and non-Title I schools, within Title I schools and within non-Title I schools. The study contains policy and practice implications to improve opportunity and school achievement in urban/suburban school districts.  相似文献   

6.
ABSTRACT

The widespread assumption in the United States today is that traditional urban public schools are failing. Market-based solutions, particularly charter schools, are seen as the way to improve urban education. How then can we understand a large urban district where educational actors have furthered a locally popular alternative vision? This article analyzes the comparison of Indianapolis, IN and Louisville, KY to demonstrate how four-decades-old desegregation orders continue to matter for the perceptions of urban school districts. The analysis shows how actors in Louisville utilized more favorable perceptions to fight for a compelling alternative narrative–integration–and against charter schools.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

In the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled segregated schools unconstitutional, and the process of school desegregation fell mostly to Black children. For over 35 years, Black families in St. Louis City have been using school transfers to cross boundaries in order to send their children to higher performing, predominately White schools in suburban St. Louis County in search of “a better education.” Relying on turbulence theory and Critical Race Theory (CRT), this study uses a media framing analysis to examine how newspaper articles described school transfers to the broader public between 2007 and 2017. Findings indicate that the articles described Black and White school districts as being affected by varying levels of turbulence and conflict. Findings also outline examples of opportunity hoarding by White schools and districts. The original focus of the Brown case was the lack of equitable resources in Black schools, and this study reignites questions about exclusion, privilege, and the choices made by Black families to receive educational equity.  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

STEM Education is sweeping the United States, prompted primarily by the recent adoption of the Next Generation Science Standards. The surge in interest in STEM Education is beneficial for local schools and communities, and promises to positively impact students, teachers, school leaders, community members, and the future workforce. Unfortunately, inequitable hegemonic structures and practices limit urban students’ access to knowledge, resources, and a comprehensive and fair educational experience. This article explores the STEM activities in place at the Center for Innovation in STEM Education (CISE), at a local university in greater Los Angeles. From a historical context, CISE data show that an approach to STEM education that focuses on serving underrepresented populations by creating a pipeline, can serve as an example for K-12 schools, universities, and educational leaders seeking equitable practices in the field of STEM education. We identify implications for leadership development for school leaders, teacher leaders, and districts.  相似文献   

9.

This chapter examines the effects of the major policy and political trends in lower education during the 1980s. Specifically, it assesses the programmatic and fiscal effects of the Reagan administration's fiscal federalism, the excellence agenda and the emerging state activism on urban school districts. The focus is on California as an illustrative case study, as the state represents an inchoate national trend toward fiscal centralization. The chapter argues that centralization has created a new politics of school finance. Not only do schools compete for funding with higher education, health, welfare, criminal justice and transportation, but students also compete with teachers over categorical funding. The chapter concludes that policies of categorical funding have changed dramatically. While symbolically they are rooted in equity, in reality they represent a new political spoils system.

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10.
The researcher examined the influence that school contextual factors have on American preservice teachers’ sense of preparedness to teach and culturally responsive teaching self-efficacy appraisals. The findings suggest that preservice teachers in this study felt more prepared and confident to teach in a suburban school compared to an urban school. Additionally, preservice teachers felt less prepared and confident to teach English Language Learners regardless of their enrolment in an urban or suburban school. This study has implications for the preparation of teachers who are self-efficacious in their ability to teach in both urban and suburban educational settings.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

This study investigated the amount of agreement existing among school personnel in Iowa concerning the role of the superintendent in collective negotiations and the scope and structure of the collective negotiation process, Through the utilization of Q-methodology, two significant types or groups of school personnel were identified, each demonstrating a high degree of similarity in their attitudes towards collective negotiations. Identification procedures revealed that personnel predominantly from rural and urban school districts comprised one type, while personnel from the central city school districts made up the second type. Investigation of the pattern of responses led the investigator to label the first group Localites and the second group Metropolites.  相似文献   

12.

The urban education typology put forth by Milner (Urban Educ 47(3):556–561, 2012) offered a conceptual demarcation of three different, yet interconnected types of urban school districts (i.e., urban intensive, urban emergent, and urban characteristic). Nearly one decade after Milner’s seminal urban education typology, few empirical or conceptual articles have operationalized this typology across multiple school districts in one region. We enter this scholarly space to reaffirm the typology and its utility in identifying the conditions that create varying educational inequities and transformative opportunities. Through a critical race spatial analysis, we attempt to capture, crystalize, and expand Milner's typology by examining a multitude of data points and intentionally drawing on geospatial data from five linked school districts in Harris County, Texas. Our findings, as viewed through lenses of Critical Race Theory and the Chicana Feminist conceptual framework known as borderlands, accentuate two major implications; (1) while there are physical spaces of restriction inside and around schools and school districts, regularly school districts contend with identical challenges despite their urban education typology categorical classification; and (2) when employing the urban education typology, it is imperative that researchers deeply contextualize the physical, temporal, historical, social, and racialized spaces that schools and school districts exist in.

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13.
ABSTRACT

This article unpacks the decision to decharter a successful urban middle school serving African American students, especially focusing on parental choice in a school caught between two urban reform initiatives: charter schooling and state takeovers of urban districts. Originally chartered by a university, DeCharter became a “school of choice” in an urban district. Though inclusion of all stakeholders motivated charter school decision-making, the decision to decharter excluded them. Working out the intricacies of “choice” and the influences of the policies on stakeholders' interpretations of dechartering illustrates the complexities of parental choice in urban districts and the unintended effects of reform initiatives.  相似文献   

14.

This chapter tracks the early effects of the 1988 amendments to the federal Chapter One programme on the policies and practices of four large urban districts (Atlanta, Chicago, Dade County and Dallas). Specifically, the article analyses reform efforts in the areas of programme co‐ordination, parental involvement, school‐wide projects and school performance accountability. Drawing on an historical analysis of the evolution of relations between the federal government and local school districts since the programme's inception in the 1960s, the authors argue that the apparently only modest impact of the 1988 reforms on the practice of Chapter One programmes to date is a result of a basic conflict between the intent of the reforms (to enhance educational effectiveness) and the political context as it occurs at the local level (an orientation toward bureaucratic and regulatory compliance).  相似文献   

15.

Until the mid‐1970s, the politics of urban school desegregation concentrated almost exclusively on the attainment of some form of racial balance. The racial balance paradigm became the focal point for desegregation planners and for local, state and national dispute about ‘forced bussing’. However, in its 1977 Milliken II ruling, the Supreme Court added critical new elements to the urban school desegregation paradigm. By affirming a desegregation plan which included remedial education components in all‐minority schools, and which required state participation in financing these components, Milliken II heralded a new era of urban school desegregation. Resource issues and school effectiveness issues joined racial balance issues in the crucible of desegregation politics. In this chapter, the post‐Milliken politics of urban school desegregation are highlighted through examination of the St Louis and Kansas City cases. New goals, new issues, new alignments of interests and new political strategies are apparent, presenting new challenges to students of urban education policy and politics.  相似文献   

16.

Nearly two decades following the landmark Rodriguez decision in 1973, plaintiffs arguing on behalf of poor urban school districts have found an opening for financial redress. The supreme courts in several states, including New Jersey, Texas and Kentucky, have ruled in the last couple of years that all students are entitled to a ‘minimally adequate’ education. In Abbott v. Burke, in particular, the New Jersey court made reference to the special needs of inner‐city students. In this chapter the authors trace the history of court cases related to urban school finance and analyse both the legal and conceptual basis for recent decisions that may benefit large‐city districts.  相似文献   

17.
The current study examined differences between urban and suburban school psychologists in terms of their motivation and self‐regulation assessment beliefs, practices, and professional development needs. Using a sample of 96 urban and 47 suburban school psychologists sampled from 22 school districts in a Midwestern state, we found that the two groups were not differentiated across most survey items. Of primary practical importance, however, urban and suburban practitioners encountered motivation and self‐regulation referrals on a relatively frequent basis, perceived these processes to be valuable, and were strongly interested in professional development training. Interestingly, both groups of practitioners indicated that they do not routinely evaluate these processes in youth and were unfamiliar with many commercially available and research‐oriented motivation/self‐regulation self‐report scales. These results are consistent with the premise that there is a disconnect between the types of assessments that practitioners perceive to be valuable and the extent to which they actually engage in those practices. © 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

18.
As the demographic make-up of public schools (and neighborhoods) shift and schools become increasingly segregated, the role of school boards becomes critically important in maintaining policies designed to remedy segregation and promote equal opportunity, policies which may challenge the status quo. Specifically, in school districts and communities where politics are fluctuating, longstanding diversity policies that have assisted in creating integrated learning environments can be overturned by a single school board election. Further, as suburbanization within countywide school districts creates distinct enclaves—where student populations are significantly whiter and more affluent than the district as a whole and political fragmentation is perpetuated—school board members representing elite enclaves may be less supportive of policies that would lessen the privilege of these residents. This paper explores school board leadership and policymaking in two Southern school districts where politics are currently in flux: Jefferson County (Louisville), Kentucky and Wake County (Raleigh), North Carolina. Specifically, we seek to: (1) understand how demographic change—particularly the creation of suburban enclaves—influences public support for and implementation of integration policies; (2) examine the politics of diversity in a larger environment skeptical of race-conscious policies; and (3) analyze local policymaking and leadership.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Expectations of citizens for the role of the school board with respect to four educational concerns were examined with educational attainment and family income of citizens as independent variables. The population for the study was 1,794 citizens in twelve Wisconsin school districts. Citizens were placed in one of five education and one of five family income groups and mean expectation scores were treated statistically with analysis of variance and the Sheff6 post hoc means test. Expectation scares were obtained from responses to four sets of interview questions scaled from conservative to liberal. Generally, the higher the educational attainment and family income of citizens, the more liberal were their expectations for the role of the school board.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

This study examines the effect of a reasonably exogenous school equalization reform in Beijing on housing values. Based on sales records of secondhand housing between 2012 and 2016 in four core urban districts in Beijing straddling the reform, the authors find that reform-induced improvement in school quality is on average associated with a 1.7% increase in housing prices. It takes more than one year for the effect to become noticeable and it intensifies to a 12% increase 24 months after the reform. Furthermore, heterogeneity effects analyses show that the effects tend to concentrate on housing units that are smaller and that are associated with stronger and lasting improvement in school quality. Our results, therefore, cast doubts on whether such school equalization reforms are beneficial to low socioeconomic status, cash-strapped families with improved educational opportunities in the Chinese context.  相似文献   

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