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1.
There is a cross‐national trend towards unified curriculum and qualifications frameworks in upper secondary education, but such reforms face epistemological, political and institutional barriers and ‘unification’ remains a contested issue in many countries, including England. This article examines the experience of the Scottish Higher Still reform, one of the most systematic examples of this trend. It presents data from an Economic and Social Research Council‐funded study which included case studies of schools and colleges, surveys of all secondary schools and colleges in Scotland, analyses of Scottish Qualifications Authority (SQA) data and interviews with key informants. Higher Still's climbing frame model of provision provided better learning opportunities for different types and levels of students, but its impact on attainment and parity of esteem were more limited. The article concludes that institutional barriers formed the biggest obstacles in the implementation phase, reflected in the contrasting ‘institutional logics’ of schools and colleges. 相似文献
2.
The author looks at education debates on the enrollment increases in secondary education in Germany and France around 1900. In Germany, the theory of ‘Bildung’ was deployed against the threat of meritocratic reform, while in France educationists pleaded for a reform in the ‘spirit of the Revolution’. So the idea of modern democratic citizenship was much more explicitly a concept of French than of German reformers. The latter pleaded for ‘natural processes of social selection’ and stood against educational reform. They avoided the overtly political formulations of liberal conflict, which, in contrast, were almost habitual among French reformists. 相似文献
3.
Hans N. Weiler 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1):15-27
Abstract Taking the political and scholarly debates about curriculum reform in the Federal Republic of Germany as a case in point, the article develops the notion of ‘compensatory legitimation’ as a theoretical construct for better understanding the political dynamics of making and implementing educational policy under conditions of conflict. Among various strategies of compensatory legitimation, special attention is given to the recourse to legal and constitutional norms, the utilisation of expertise, and the invocation of the discourse of participation. 相似文献
4.
NAOKO SAITO 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2011,45(1):95-109
In the practice of education and educational reforms today ‘meritocracy’ is a prevalent mode of thinking and discourse. Behind political and economic debates over the just distribution of education benefits, other kinds of philosophical issues, concerning the question of democracy, await to be addressed. As a means of evoking a language more subtle than what is offered by political and economic solutions, I shall discuss Ralph Waldo Emerson's idea of perfectionism, particularly his ideas of the ‘gleam of light’ and ‘genius’, as an alternative mode of thinking of human power. Through this Emersonian lens, a provocative shift will be made from meritocracy and ‘mediocracy’ to aristocracy. Emersonian aristocracy destabilizes balanced measures and prevailing discourse about fairness and justice, and makes us reconsider how to achieve a just society in democracy. As an educational implication, I shall propose the idea of citizenship without inclusion—a vision of education for a democratic society in which we learn to live as and with the Great Man. 相似文献
5.
《International Journal of Educational Development》2006,26(5):532-544
Criticism directed at the quality of UNESCO's education statistics led to the recent restructuring of the Organization's statistical services. This criticism, primarily supported by the World Bank and subsequently confirmed by consultants engaged by UNESCO, does not prove to be completely justified. In fact, a change in the political orientation of the statistical program appears to have been the main goal of the reform. Providing few significant (or new) recommendations to improve the other dimensions of data quality, the consultants’ reports essentially concentrated on the need for measuring and comparing educational systems’ performances in a strongly competitive world economy. While UNESCO's General Conference did not discuss the political aspects of the reform, the restructuring can be tied to UNESCO's loss of leadership to other international agencies, which have come to produce their own statistics and recommendations on education. 相似文献
6.
《Journal of moral education》2012,41(1):57-69
Parent–teacher relations are often characterized as highly conflictual in the educational literature, with scant empirical evidence of how the disagreements occur in everyday talk. Close analysis of a teacher's account of an intense conflict with a student's mother over the National Honor Society grounds the abstract discourses of merit and difference in the worlds of parents, teachers and students. Narrating primarily through reported speech, in a ‘she said, I said’ fashion, the teacher recreates her conversations about the National Honor Society and the graduation ceremony. Creating the social milieu through reported speech and the inner reality by telling what she left unspoken, she captures the derision between parents and teachers. Moreover, the adult struggles obscure the adolescents' initial concerns about elitism. Exposed to reform debates, the teacher reveals her consciousness about diversity and privilege. The mother's understanding reflects traditions of individualism and meritocracy without regard to barriers created by race, sex, class and disability. The encounter ends without opportunity for fuller articulation. Notwithstanding these tendencies, the individual parent–teacher conference remains the most widely employed format in US schools, emblematic of an extremely privatized notion of that relationship. The author frames the conflict in terms of school community and public education at large to identify possibilities for more generative communication. 相似文献
7.
Liam Kane 《British Educational Research Journal》2013,39(5):872-891
While there is a wealth of literature on radical adult ‘popular’ education for change, most of it looks forward and speculates on the educational processes best able to help ‘the oppressed’, ‘excluded’ or ‘disadvantaged’ become critically‐aware ‘subjects’ of social change. Within a critical education framework, recent research looked in the opposite direction, identified adult activists already critically‐aware and worked backwards through their life histories to find the educational experiences seen as most influential in their development. Examining questionnaire responses, this article analyses how members of the Scottish Socialist Party perceived the influence exercised by their teachers, from primary to tertiary education, in the development of their beliefs and identity as activists. Comparisons are made with research in ‘active citizenship’. The research suggests there is more potential for radical education within the formal sector than is often believed and teachers contribute to this process in sometimes contradictory ways. The findings feed into debates in the UK and other countries, particularly in Latin America, about where popular educators should direct their energies, within state structures or outside, in social movements. 相似文献
8.
Dilek Latif 《Compare》2019,49(1):30-46
History education has been continually challenged by political competition in Cyprus. The education systems on both sides of the divide reflect the ongoing ethnic conflict and suffer from ethnocentrism. In particular, the history textbooks are used to convey and legitimise official narratives and reinforce identities defined vis-à-vis the other. As a result of the political debates in the early-2000s, a challenging process of educational reform and revision of history textbooks started in North Cyprus. This paper provides a historical perspective on the changes in the Cypriot history textbooks, and undertakes an in-depth comparative analysis of the old, revised and re-revised Cyprus history textbooks that have been used in schools from 1971 until the present day. The data was collected from document analysis of the textbooks used in lower- and upper-secondary schools both before and after the education reform. 相似文献
9.
Chris Duke 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(4):323-340
This paper revisits the Chinese experience of liberation struggle, from the 1920s to the 1940s. It begins by justifying an examination of the learning dimension of the Chinese liberation struggle. The early rural political and educational work of the Chinese Communists is then described. The next section of the paper examines the approach to political education that emerged in the Chinese Communist army. The educational process that developed during land reform is then discussed in some detail. The final section of the paper assesses the contemporary significance of the Chinese experience of political education. It is argued that the period of liberation war and land reform in China constituted a ‘democratic moment’, in which a dialectic of cadres (educators) and people (learners) created a participatory and creative process of learning in social action. The elements of this process included: specific, materialist analysis of learners’ culture and social context; strategic and reflective analysis; experiential education; and direct instruction. 相似文献
10.
Tejendra Pherali 《比较教育学》2016,52(4):473-491
This paper outlines the impact and professional tensions created by the decade-long armed conflict (1996–2006) on school leadership in Nepal. Drawing on qualitative interviews and discussions with school heads and teachers (n?=?92), the study reveals that the onerous pressure of pupils’ safety during crisis ultimately fell upon teachers and school leaders who faced direct violence on school grounds and communities they lived in. It was found that school heads were traumatised by consistent pressures, as manifested in the form of financial extortion, physical threats and abductions by the Maoists while the security forces frequently harassed them as Maoist sympathisers or confederates. Maintaining relational equilibrium with warring parties in order to ensure their personal and school survival was a traumatic experience. Despite the enormity of effects on education during conflict, the post-conflict educational debates largely undermine the voice of those who were at the frontlines during crisis. These findings provide useful insights into the ‘experiential dimension’ of civil conflict at schools in conflict zones and implications for educational programming. 相似文献
11.
Gerasimos Koustourakis 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(1-2):131-146
This article looks critically at Greek educational reform to the curriculum of compulsory education—reform that took place so that Greece could put into practice the decisions of the European Union of Lisbon (2000) for the contribution of education to the adaptation of the new data of the ‘knowledge society’. Bernstein's theory about pedagogic discourse is utilized. Also, with the use of qualitative content analysis in specific resources (parliamentary debates, new curriculum and textbooks) we tried to answer the following questions: Which are the dominant social principles that led the Greek state to change the curriculum? Through which process and with the contribution of which factors did the reform of the curriculum come about? And which are the characteristics of the new school knowledge and of the pedagogic practices that are selected for their reproduction at the level of the classroom? 相似文献
12.
陕甘宁边区乡村相对落后的自然、经济、社会和文化发展状况,曾严重阻碍了中国共产党对乡村社会的组织动员进程,加剧了为抗击日本侵略者和国民党势力的双重围困而获取政权和民族独立的难度。在综合力量不足的条件约束下,中国共产党探索实施的“民办公助”教育政策,本着实事求是原则和群众路线方针,将乡村教育与政府工作、劳动生产、家庭生活和社会教育相结合,通过牢牢掌握领导权和引导权,充分发挥农民主体的自主性作用,形成了以文字下乡为主要形式的乡村教育。相对土地改革、民主选举、诉苦等组织动员方式,以文字下乡的柔性动员方式改造乡村、建设乡村,使中国共产党的各项方针政策能深入乡土社会,达到组织动员农民的目的。从社会动员的视角阐释“民办公助”教育政策,对全面、客观地理解中国共产党与乡村、农民的关系,乃至对当前“教育扶贫”工作都有启示意义。 相似文献
13.
Riyad A. Shahjahan Clara Morgan David J. Nguyen 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2015,36(5):700-711
Amid growing debates around international assessment tools in educational policy, few have critically examined how students themselves are cast in policy tool production processes and discourse. Drawing on Stuart Hall's concept of representation, we show how higher education (HE) ‘students’ are constructed, fixed and normalized by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's (OECD) Assessment of Higher Education Learning Outcomes (AHELO) initiative. Based on an analysis of AHELO texts, we argue that the OECD, during the early stages of test production, fixes and circulates the meaning of ‘students’ as represented objects. We identify and analyze two distinct representational practices at work in AHELO texts: classifying and organizing, and marking. We posit that by fixing images of the student as an object of learning and as a consumer–investor subject, the OECD creates ‘usable’ representations of ‘students’ to claim jurisdiction over teaching and learning in HE and to justify intervention through standardized testing. 相似文献
14.
Derek R. Bell 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2004,38(1):37-54
This paper considers whether the promotion of an environmental ethic in schools is compatible with the political liberal's commitment to ‘neutrality’. A new account of the implications of John Rawls's political liberalism for the ‘basic structure’ of education is developed. The prima facie incompatibility of political liberalism and the promotion of an environmental ethic is misleading. Rawls's political liberalism requires—as a matter of intergenerational justice—the promotion of the ‘sustainability virtues’. Moreover, it permits the promotion of ‘greener’ ideals. 相似文献
15.
Scottish education has been going through a period of rapid educational change. This paper describes some of the approaches being adopted by HM Inspectorate of Schools both to hold the educational system accountable and to support its further development. It provides an account of the outcomes which are considered central to the inspection process, the ways in which inspections are subsequently followed up and the impact of the inspection process on schools. At the same time, the paper considers the strategies which have been pursued in recent years to create a ‘quality culture’ in Scottish education. These have included work on the features of ‘effective’ schools, the wider sharing of the criteria being used to inspect schools, the introduction and support of approaches to development planning and further work on potential performance indicators 相似文献
16.
Simon Clarke 《School Leadership & Management》2016,36(3):353-363
This paper begins from the premise that the challenges characterising the contemporary education environment call for more flexible approaches to leadership than the traditional reliance on codified knowledge. These more flexible approaches are likely to involve new ways of learning, dispositions and behaviours, which enable educational leadership to progress from ‘best practice’ to ‘next practice’. The paper, therefore, has two main aims. First, it seeks to illuminate a potential modus operandi for contending with the complex challenges that have become integral to the landscape of educational leadership. Second, it seeks to encourage consideration of the implications of this modus operandi for processes of leadership thinking, learning and development. For this purpose, the nature of the challenges purported to define the landscape of educational leadership now and into the future is first discussed. This is followed by an examination of three interrelated leadership concepts in enabling appropriate judgements to be made in dealing effectively with highly complex circumstances, namely, ‘phronesis’, ‘contextual intelligence’ and ‘negative capability’. The paper concludes by discussing the circumstances within the professional milieu that either constrain or promote the kind of educational leadership that is deemed to be required for embracing the three concepts in question. 相似文献
17.
Political and Aesthetic Equality in the Work of Jacques Rancière: Applying his Writing to Debates in Education and the Arts 
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下载免费PDF全文 JANE MCDONNELL 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2017,51(2):387-400
This paper draws on insights from Jacques Rancière's writing on politics and aesthetics to offer new perspectives on debates in education and the arts. The paper addresses three debates in turn; the place of contemporary art in schools and gallery education, the role of art in democratic education and the blurring of boundaries between participatory art and community education. I argue that Rancière's work helps to illuminate some essentialist assumptions behind dichotomous arguments about contemporary art in the classroom—both over‐hyped claims about its value, and exaggerated fears about its threat to educational values alike. On democratic education I argue that his work highlights the importance of the aesthetic dimensions of democratic learning and, on art and community education, I issue caution against readings of Rancière's work that frame his contribution as a ‘rehabilitation‘ of the aesthetic. Although each debate is tackled discretely, the paper advances the overall argument that attention to equality in Rancière's work—both aesthetic and political—is vital when applying his philosophy to debates that occupy the boundaries of education, politics and art. 相似文献
18.
李明昱 《北京城市学院学报》2022,(1)
针对当前思想政治教育面临的教学话语、教育理念、教学主体及教学评价等方面的创新困境,高校和思想政治教师应从多方入手,以学生主体和教师主导为依据,转化教学话语和教育理念,以主导性和主体性相统一为导向选择合适的教学模式、明确教学评价机制,促进学生主体性作用、教师主导性作用及二者相统一作用的实现,进而帮助思想政治教育提升教学效果,实现创新。 相似文献
19.
William E. Marsden 《History of education》2013,42(1):29-47
This paper investigates the educational philosophy and practices of Achimota School, which was established in the Gold Coast Colony (the southern part of today’s Ghana) in 1927 as the governmental model school for leadership education. Achimota’s education aimed to develop leaders who were ‘Western in intellectual attitude’, ‘African in sympathy’. To fulfil this objective, Achimota attempted to develop a curriculum that took into account the sociocultural background of African students while trying to provide an education on a par with that available at English public schools. The paper first examines the discourse surrounding the establishment of a model secondary school for African leadership, which involved diverse groups of people – colonial officials, missionaries, European educationists, traditional chiefs and African nationalists – and then reviews the relevant educational philosophies of the twentieth century. Finally, the paper describes the Achimota education as experienced by students, a mixed product of English public school tradition and ‘African tradition’. Regardless of the efforts to balance the two ‘traditions’, what was actually created was a new Achimota culture that selected essences from different ‘traditions’ and remoulded them for a novel purpose. 相似文献
20.
Rachel Brooks Achala Gupta Sazana Jayadeva Jessica Abrahams Predrag Lažetić 《British Educational Research Journal》2020,46(6):1193-1209
Drawing on data from students, higher education staff and policymakers from six European countries, this article argues that it remains a relatively common assumption that students should be politically engaged. However, while students articulated a strong interest in a wide range of political issues, those working in higher education and influencing higher education policy tended to believe that students were considerably less politically active than their predecessors. Moreover, while staff and policy influencers typically conceived of political engagement in terms of collective action, articulated through common reference to the absence of a ‘student movement’ or unified student voice, students’ narratives tended not to valorise ‘student movements’ in the same way and many categorised as ‘political’ action they had taken alone and/or with a small number of other students. Alongside these broad commonalities across Europe, the article also evidences some key differences between nation-states, institutions and disciplines. In this way, it contributes to the comparative literature on young people’s political engagement specifically, as well as wider debates about the ways in which higher education students are understood. 相似文献