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1.

In a world climate which is increasingly closing down as far as alternative political and social options are concerned, Cyprus as a small semi-occupied country with great European aspirations is facing a number of very serious dilemmas and teachers are faced with an extremely difficult task. The citizens they are preparing have to be passionate enough to claim a Greek-Cypriot identity; have to be tolerant and accommodating enough to live and work with Turkish-Cypriots in a re-united country, which is the main political goal of the Republic of Cyprus; have to be open-minded enough to look to a European future; and have to be ready and able to function in a globalized context. How can such a citizen be 'formulated' when there appear to be immense contradictions between what is required for each goal? What are the priorities and how are they defined? This article will attempt to address these complex issues and arrive at some conclusions regarding teacher education for a very complex new world  相似文献   

2.

This paper gives an account of the 'political understanding' of education, that is, the relationship of power and authority between government, teacher, parent and pupil. This political context of education is usually neglected in accounts of political education, and yet the one affects the other, especially where political education, more broadly conceived, is concerned with controversial areas of social life, which is a central concern of the humanities.  相似文献   

3.

This article considers the current context for renewed concern about 'political education' worldwide and in the UK. The concept 'political education' is analysed, as are normative and positive questions about the relationship between education and political outcomes. The article goes on to consider the history of and reasons for UK exceptionalism as regards this aspect of educational policy-explanations for British antipathy to political education are sought in aspects of British political institutions and political culture.  相似文献   

4.

The last half-century of sociology of education is littered with the debris of functionalist theories about social reproduction, inequality and class. This article discusses 'progressive 'and 'conservative 'readings of arguments about social reproduction and explores the consequences for the sociology and the politics of education with reference to supposed 'influence ' and 'audience'. New Labour's embrace of the school effectiveness/improvement movement and the introduction of the Sure Start programme illustrate that while 'social reproduction' is still a concern for sociologists of education, policy-makers have more 'practical' concerns.  相似文献   

5.

Self-assessment is an established aspect of teaching in higher education, informing reflective practice, self-study and continuing professional development, and offering a fundamental method in student-centred approaches to the support of learning. However, reflective self-assessment is often treated uncritically by its proponents, where it is taken for granted as 'a good thing'. Self-assessment is typically grounded in a humanistic-psychological approach that fails to critically investigate its own theories of knowledge, such as the assumed transparent nature of the 'self'. Where many practitioners regard self-assessment as a radical and 'freeing' practice, a post-structuralist critique of the dominant humanistic approach to teaching in higher education exposes self-assessment as a normative and 'disciplining' educational practice, where the self is constituted, not constitutive. An argument is made for an alternative to humanistic models of self-assessment as a self-forming without invoking personal agency.  相似文献   

6.
ABSTRACT

This paper explores the role played by women activists and educators in mobilising community education to support new opportunities for women's activism in the context of Myanmar's political transition. Recent political reorientations in Myanmar which have resulted in a civilian-led democracy emerging from a repressive military regime, have facilitated increased international contact. Myanmar women activist-educators are rejecting hierarchical relationships and the sterile reproductions of idealised female citizenship evident in some training practices and are promoting a conceptualisation of feminist education. I reflect on the dynamics of this feminist activism, including the adaptation of feminist concepts and terminology, as articulated by activists, and I explore responses to the new avenues for women's engagement which are opening up in the first inter-election cycle.  相似文献   

7.
Ian Davies 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1-2):125-140

During the last three decades there have been very different approaches to political learning in schools in England. Very generally, prior to the 1960s, if anything was done explicitly, there was a concentration on learning facts about the British constitution. The late 1960s and into the 1970s saw a 'burgeoning of interest' (Heater) in political education characterised by attention to skills within a broader definition of politics than had been used in British Constitution courses. The 1980s saw the birth or, in some cases, redevelopment, of a whole raft of adjectival educations concerned with peace, development, the environment, 'race', in a way that was more holistic and affective than earlier initiatives. The current period has been described as 'the decade of the citizen' (Dahrendorf), which for most of the 1990s seems to have meant some attempt at learning about responsibilities within a framework of officially sanctioned values, and opportunities to undertake voluntary action in the local community. Very recent developments shift education for citizenship into more enlightened waters but there may be little cause for optimism that widespread implementation will occur. The reasons for such shifts are discussed and trends and consequences (actual and likely) are explored.  相似文献   

8.

This article considers the place of news media-particularly television news-in young people's political socialisation. Following a brief sketch of debates about young people's apparent indifference to politics and to news media, it provides a critical review of previous research in this field. It argues that researchers have often operated with a functionalist notion of socialisation and an unduly narrow conception of political understanding. The second part of the article provides a summary of some key themes raised by the author's own research into young people's interpretations of television news. It focuses particularly on the question of young people's apparent cynicism about politics, and on the characteristics of 'critical viewing'. The article concludes with a call for media education as a crucial dimension of political education and contemporary citizenship.  相似文献   

9.

As part of a broader study of masculinity in higher education this paper considers the experiences of gay and bisexual male teachers. It examines the ways in which gay and bisexual men construct and manage their identities within a shifting higher education context in which 'new managerialist' discourses appear to be replacing discourses of equity. Gay and bisexual men are variously positioned in relation to the new managerialism. As men they are implicated in the masculinist tendency of market and managerialistic initiatives yet as gay/bisexual men they seem to have much to lose from the implicit political project of the market and the moral shift it signifies. The situation is further complicated in that for some gay and bisexual men new managerialism may offer progressive possibilities in its transformation of the old elitist and exclusive culture of traditional higher education. Through the analysis of in-depth interviews, the paper considers the relationship between gay and bisexual male teachers identity work and the transformative processes and practices within which they are embedded. In particular the paper attempts to understand the men's cultural stances in relation to a notion of an inclusive higher education based on democratic pluralistic values.  相似文献   

10.

This article looks at globalisation as a process of replacement of the global political order of nation states with the global economic order of transnational corporations. It is argued that this process carries far-reaching consequences, in which a growing number of spheres, including education, are subjected to the interests of the global economic order. Under the disguise of global economic development activities the new world system strives towards maximising the short-term profits of the transnational capitalist class. Following Sklair's global systems theory, this article looks at the World Bank as a transnational organisation. Based on recent World Bank higher education reform loan projects in Eastern Europe, it is argued that the primary outcome of the World Bank loan projects is the redistribution of the resources of the so-called 'recipient countries' to the transnational capitalist class.  相似文献   

11.

Since the incorporation of the further education (FE) sector student drop-out has become an issue for policy makers, and colleges with higher than average rates of non-completion have been penalised. This process, which is consistent with the 'new managerialist' approach described by Randle and Brady (1997) in an earlier volume of this Journal, results in a loss of funding and 'naming and shaming' via inspection reports and performance tables. It is suggested that this policy response to student drop-out represents a mechanistic reaction to the 'standards' agenda and could impede other policy priorities such as widening participation. The paper examines the growing body of research evidence which challenges the view that drop-out is caused by colleges which 'don't care'. Studies of the influence of factors external to colleges, such as financial hardship, feeder schools and the impact of 'habitus' on a student's disposition, illustrate the problem of trying to reduce the complex issue of drop-out to a single, generalisable cause. The paper concludes that the development of a more sophisticated analytical model is necessary if student retention is to be improved.  相似文献   

12.

Markets constitute the very centre of the post-communist reforms in the countries of Central and East Europe and the former Soviet Union. The two alternative approaches available for framing the market reform conceptually are, however, both inadequate. Those in favour of revolutionary theories fail to see the strong inertia of the academe and its desire for stability. Proponents of evolutionary theories of market reforms do not recognise qualitatively new relationships in many areas. Those eager to demonstrate the success of the market reforms as well as those presenting the success of the centralised higher education in a number of areas fail to realise the lack of legal framework for market reforms and missing political decisions on which the reforms could be based on. This article discusses the role of labour markets, markets of degrees and qualifications as well as the market of educational services as related to higher education reforms. It is proposed that downsizing the State has shifted many of its previous functions to random, often external agents. This creates a meta-level market - the market of market reforms in higher education. Through this quasi market formerly unified higher education systems and even institutions are broken into segments often ignoring each other's existence and seeking individual short term goals. As a result markets' pressure on higher education has taken extremely aggressive forms limiting access to quality higher education while the systemwide enrolment is rapidly growing through theactivities of new low calibre universities and diploma mills.  相似文献   

13.

This article examines the dynamic of the relationship between the global and the local in education policy through a case study of recent policy initiatives in the small island state of Malta. The main initiative has been the setting up of a Foundation for Educational Services, which is now competing with services previously offered by the state Division of Education. It is argued that whilst the global, in this case the transnational company (TNC) HSBC Bank and the supranational European Union (EU), has particular power and can develop opportunity structures, this power is never closed or complete. The local has the power to enter or exit the global discursive field, including specific practices and structures. When the local interprets its needs to coincide with the global, as with the Foundation for Educational Services, HSBC Malta plc and the EU, then there is evidence that some political, economic or cultural 'opportunism' leads to the development of 'glocal' policy making. In this process, new and promiscuous actors and structures may take the place of older and more democratic ones. Moreover, the 'Trojan horse' politics of TNCs lead to new policy agendas in which the TNCs may be the major beneficiaries. The 'glocal' is a contested terrain over which we need to struggle.  相似文献   

14.

This chapter examines the effects of the major policy and political trends in lower education during the 1980s. Specifically, it assesses the programmatic and fiscal effects of the Reagan administration's fiscal federalism, the excellence agenda and the emerging state activism on urban school districts. The focus is on California as an illustrative case study, as the state represents an inchoate national trend toward fiscal centralization. The chapter argues that centralization has created a new politics of school finance. Not only do schools compete for funding with higher education, health, welfare, criminal justice and transportation, but students also compete with teachers over categorical funding. The chapter concludes that policies of categorical funding have changed dramatically. While symbolically they are rooted in equity, in reality they represent a new political spoils system.

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15.

Education Action Zones (EAZs) were launched in the United Kingdom in 1998 as 'the standard bearers in a new crusade … to modernize education in areas of social deprivation, and hailed as a third way in education.' In the light of the authors ' ongoing evaluation of a single EAZ, the article examines the extent to which the ambitious claims made by government have been realised. It assesses the extent to which EAZs can be viewed as part of the British twentieth-century theme in education of tackling inequality. It demonstrates that EAZ policy was riddled with tensions and paradoxes arising out of the eccentric mix of neo-liberal, social democratic and Third Way approaches to addressing educational inequality. The article concludes that EAZs suffered from three types of error: concept, process and outcomes, and hence were a mission impossible. The authors argue that EAZs may, hopefully, be a lesson in making the vision of resolving education inequality possible.  相似文献   

16.
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17.

Inspired by concern about promoting civic participation and preserving the liberal democratic state, political theorists have recently reignited a debate about the nature of political education in a liberal society. These theorists' arguments in favor of teaching toleration are significant for the progress of education reforms currently being debated and implemented in current liberal democracies and some emerging nations. Despite the increasing attention paid to the value of liberal civic education, however, its specific content is typically left virtually blank. This article aims to redress this gap in the literature by developing a coherent and comprehensive (albeit still very general) curriculum for liberal political education. To this end, Section I analyses the nature of the ideal liberal democratic state and develops a general curriculum for liberal political education based on the type of citizens needed to preserve and take advantage of such a state. It concludes by introducing two potentially illiberal outcomes of this curriculum: children's forced development of the capacity for autonomy, and the reduction of diversity in the state. Section II argues that the development of autonomy is actually central to liberal theory and liberal education more broadly conceived, while Section III suggests that civic and social diversity will persist, but rightly play a secondary role to the goals of liberal political education. The article concludes, therefore, with a reassertion of the content and importance of liberal political education.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

Recent critics have suggested that character education (either in and of itself or certain instantiations of it) is overly individualised and, as a result, fails to engage adequately with the political. In this paper, I offer an account of character education which takes issue with such criticisms, and seeks to make clear connections between the moral and the political necessary for character formation and expression. Drawing on an Aristotelian understanding of the political, I argue that individuals are intimately connected with their social associations, which in contemporary plural, westernised democracies include the sort of engagement with the political advocated by critics of character education. Through a focus on civic virtue and deliberative engagement, it is argued that an Aristotelian-inspired account of character addresses the precise concerns, including recognising and challenging social injustices and deliberative engagement with difference, which critics suggest are lacking from character education.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Making Theory and Development of Early Childhood Education come alive for elementary master's degree students in two learning sites offers opportunities and challenges. In constructing the class, a primary goal was to expose the students to the context under which early childhood educators developed programs and theories. Also, students were challenged to uncover the relationship that the education of young children had with social change and emerging human rights. Utilizing distance learning, contemporary books such as Who Moved My Cheese (Johnson, 1998) and a field trip to the National Civil Rights Museum and the Rock'n Soul Museum, students developed a sense of the place early childhood education had and continues to have in social change and the advancement of civil rights in this country.  相似文献   

20.
《牛津教育评论》2013,39(3-4):437-449

In his empirical study of educational research, James Tooley claims to have uncovered 'partisanship' in the 'focus content and argument of educational research'. The purpose of this paper is to suggest that Tooley's study is simply one more manifestation of the failure of many educational researchers to take account of the extensive theoretical and methodological developments that have occurred over the last four decades in the political and social sciences. It is suggested that a debate about partisanship and educational research which took these developments seriously would not be a narrow debate in which researchers with right wing affinities try to score political points against researchers of the left. Instead, it would be a more intellectually rigorous and theoretically informed debate about the complex relationship between educational values and political beliefs on the one hand and research methodologies and practices on the other.  相似文献   

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