共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Fang Gao 《British Educational Research Journal》2023,49(5):968-986
Despite national policies, de facto school segregation for racial/ethnic minority students in the West and East has continued to deepen. In Hong Kong, the segregated school system was abolished in 2013, while from 2004 reformed School Places Allocation Systems encouraged minority students to choose mainstream primary and secondary schools. However, de facto ethnicity-based school segregation continues to prevail. Most minority students in the mainstream system are stuck in low-status schools where they face discrimination and institutional exclusion. This has led many of them to retreat to a limited number of schools that have traditionally catered for minority communities. Such segregation calls forth scholarly attention to the paradoxical correlation between the physical mixing of diverse students and equality of educational opportunity, especially equal access to post-secondary education (PSE)—a key for minority youth to function in the competitive labour market. This study employed the theory of school-based social capital (SBSC) and compared the ways in which PSE-relevant institutional resources and support were rationalised and enacted by staff in de facto segregated and desegregated school contexts. Case studies of two secondary schools lead us to argue that desegregation is only effective when institutional structure, culture and agents empower minority students through access to instrumental resources and support for the pursuit of PSE. The findings confound the desegregation policy and call for structural/institutional interventions to ensure instrumental SBSC is accessible to PSE-bound minority students in all schools, and thus increase the effectiveness of school desegregation. 相似文献
2.
Thandeka K. Chapman 《Peabody Journal of Education》2018,93(1):38-51
The controversial glory of the Brown decisions and the retraction of court-ordered reforms represent the limited gains of racial justice in education and the protection of white privilege through law and policy. The return to segregation, as propagated through the rise of racially and economically segregated charter schools, exhibits the circuitous nature of law and education policy, represents a return to unequal schooling, and reveals the enduring and meaningful connections between race, law, and education. Using the lens of critical race theory, this paper focuses on law as an instrument of racial justice and oppression in education during the era of school desegregation and the inevitable return to separate and unequal schools for African American students through new education policies that promote the proliferation of charter schools in large urban school districts. 相似文献
3.
Diana M. Pearce 《The Urban Review》1981,13(2):85-101
This paper examines the ways in which segregation in schools contributes to the perpetuation of residential segregation, and the ways in which metropolitan-wide school desegregation supports housing integration. An empirical analysis of real estate advertising practices in fourteen American cities is outlined, and supplemented by a discussion of the character of real estate agent advice to homeseekers. Conclusions are drawn about the differences in the housing choice process in communities with segregated as opposed to desegregated schools. Finally, implications for urban policy are presented.The research reported here was supported by the National Institute of Education, Grant HEW-NIE G-78-0125/1. 相似文献
4.
Laurence Parker 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(6):699-715
Racial desegregation in higher education is taking on a new direction as the twenty‐first century approaches. The Brown v. Board of Education decision brought down legal racial barriers to segregated education, and this landmark US Supreme Court ruling was implicitly intended to apply to higher education as well. The positive changes for African Americans in removing racial barriers contributed significantly to the civil rights movement and opening avenues of opportunity. Yet, there has always been a fundamental tension between the removal of the vestiges of racial segregation to create equal educational opportunity, and the activist stance of addressing historical and current discriminatory educational policies. This is evident in the recent higher education desegregation and affirmative cases as the Federal Courts advocate the colour‐blind interpretation of higher education desegregation law and educational policy, while African Americans argue in favour of the enhancement of the public Historically Black Colleges and Universities and the explicit use of race as a form of diversity. This article examines the salient positions and racial identity politics surrounding this tension. I also argue that broader issues of racial control and power need to be addressed by educational institutions, the courts and the larger society in the debate about race, social justice and the removal of the vestiges of segregation. 相似文献
5.
Frank Brown 《The Urban Review》1994,26(4):227-242
Forty years afterBrown v. Topeka Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court's decision declaring de jure segregated schools unconstitutional, we are still seeking the full implementation
of that decree. Most Americans accepted limited implementation ofBrown, and the degree of acceptance is split along racial lines. Racial dialogue has changed. White Americans, who control the
desegregation process, develop integration plans to their advantage. School integration was not implemented until after passage
of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and peaked in 1972. Today, school integration is declining due to a backlash, changing demographics,
and declining resources. However,Brown was a success because it rid the country of legalized state segregation by race in education and in other areas of public
policy. The Court could merge the equality standards ofPlessy v. Ferguson and the integration standards ofBrown to give us quality integrated education. 相似文献
6.
Amy Tillerson-Brown 《Journal of School Choice》2016,10(4):446-461
ABSTRACTIn light of contemporary school choice proposals and the 60th anniversary of the Southern Manifesto, the Prince Edward County, Virginia public schools crisis provides interesting historical discussion. Prince Edward County (PEC), a rural community in central Virginia, was one of five school districts represented in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision that ruled segregated public schools unconstitutional. In response to this decision, PEC closed public schools from 1959–1964 rather than desegregate them. Three other Virginia locales closed public schools to resist the desegregation mandate of Brown—Warren County, Charlottesville, and Norfolk—but none for as long as PEC. Like the 19 Senators and 82 Representatives from each of the former Confederate states who signed the Declaration of Constitutional Principles or “Southern Manifesto” and understood the Brown ruling as a violation of state’s rights, Virginia lawmakers also vowed “…to use all lawful means to bring about a reversal of this decision [Brown] which is contrary to the Constitution and to prevent the use of force in its implementation.” 相似文献
7.
Kimberly Lenease King Irene S. Houston & Renée A. Middleton 《British Journal of Educational Studies》2001,49(4):428-445
Numerous authors identify a white supremacist ideology that shapes the educational opportunities for racially diverse students. We contend that this ideology informs educational policy and hampers the likelihood that racially diverse populations can achieve success at levels similar to students of European descent. In this paper we define the white supremacist ideology as it informs education policy and practices. Three examples from the United States are then used to illustrate the influence of such an ideology. These examples include the creation and protection of racially segregated schooling; desegregation policies; and the current uses of school report cards. We conclude with the relevance of this discussion to educational debates in Great Britain and South Africa, and recommendations to minimise the influence of this ideology on education policy and school reform efforts. 相似文献
8.
Dionne Danns 《The Urban Review》2008,40(1):64-75
Superintendent James Redmond created a desegregation plan for Chicago Public Schools in 1967, which affected a limited amount
of students, but caused great uproar. This article examines the numerous White responses in opposition to busing including
those that appear legitimate, such as a desire to maintain neighborhood schools. However, given the history of neighborhood
and school segregation in Chicago, the legitimacy of words alone cannot be taken at face value. The larger context must be
explored in order to better understand White opposition to busing. 相似文献
9.
《Peabody Journal of Education》2013,88(2):5-14
This essay describes significant legal and policy system changes in America's 50-year crusade to curtail or eliminate racially segregated public school. In hindsight, a more forceful initial policy system stance regarding judicial enforcement might well have resulted in greater desegregation success. However, after 5 decades of judicial and operational compliance trial and error, United States public schools presently appear almost as racially segregated as before the landmark case, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954, 1955). In effect, over the 50 years since 1954, the nation has ricocheted from Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) to Brown and, practically if not constitutionally, back to Plessy. The contemporary cause of school segregation rests more with income and housing patterns than with explicit apartheid policies. Regardless of cause, however, even if there now exists something much closer to equal educational opportunity than was true 50 years ago, there clearly is not anything close, nationally, to racial parity of educational achievement. Mindful of the remaining achievement gap, this article posits that it is time to reconsider past policies built almost exclusively around busing and achieving physical mixes of Black and White students. Instead, it is now time to rely on new strategies involving elevated expectations, explicit learning standards, notions of financial "adequacy," and effective accountability. In effect, it is time to measure racial policy progress by student successes, not by transportation and school resource processes. 相似文献
10.
Eric M. David 《The Urban Review》1994,26(4):243-255
Perched on the Mason-Dixon line, Baltimore ignored calls for resistance from its southern neighbors by becoming one of the
first cities in the country to comply withBrown. By the beginning of the 1955 school year, leaders had implemented a desegregation plan, and Baltimore was being applauded
for the early and peaceful integration of its public schools.
Within a few years, however, the praise faded as it became clear that Baltimore still suffered from de facto segregation.
Faced with this reality, the school board refused to take the steps necessary to remedy the problem, instead shifting the
blame to society at large. This failure by the board started a pattern of abandonment by school leadership that culminated
in 1991 with the privatization of several of Baltimore's public schools. The result of this abandonment is a crippled school
system that still has not dealt with issues of race and equality. 相似文献
11.
《Journal of School Choice》2013,7(3):63-75
ABSTRACT Despite the creeping resegregation of public schools, recent court decisions have been involved in the lifting of court-ordered desegregation decrees, which could arguably cause further segregation. When dismissing desegregation decrees, lower courts have relied on three U.S. Supreme Court decisions during the 1990s that permitted a lower standard for lifting desegregation decrees. Those school districts that remain under court-ordered desegregation decrees may find themselves in conflict with the No Child Left Behind Act's (NCLB) choice provision. Specifically, NCLB permits parents to transfer their children to another school if their present school is deemed in need of improvement. Such NCLB regulations may permit school districts to bypass the desegregation decree. In so doing, there is a conflict between a federal regulation and federal court order. Employing legal research techniques (e.g., case and statutory analysis), this paper explores the Supreme Court's jurisprudence for declaring a school district unitary, analyzes the conflict between court-ordered desegregation decrees and NCLB's choice provision, and discusses the potential litigation that could result from the conflict between NCLB and desegregation decrees. doi:10.1300/J467v01n03_08 相似文献
12.
Sonya Douglass Horsford 《The Urban Review》2010,42(1):58-79
The negative consequences of school desegregation on Black families, educators, and communities in the US are well documented
in education research today. The purpose of this article is to examine the experiential knowledge and wisdom of practice of
former Black school superintendents who attended all Black segregated schools and led desegregated school districts. Using
critical race theory as a methodological and analytical framework, I seek to advance our understanding of how the positive
aspects of valued segregated schools can improve Black education today. Findings include Black superintendent reflections of and calls to action concerning separate
and unequal schooling contexts according to the following constituencies: the Black community, the Black parent, the Black
teacher, and the Black student. Building on the participant directives for political engagement and community-based activism,
I conclude with a discussion about transforming Black education through a political race project aimed to resist educational
inequities, advance racial justice, and promote social change in education. 相似文献
13.
Until the mid‐1970s, the politics of urban school desegregation concentrated almost exclusively on the attainment of some form of racial balance. The racial balance paradigm became the focal point for desegregation planners and for local, state and national dispute about ‘forced bussing’. However, in its 1977 Milliken II ruling, the Supreme Court added critical new elements to the urban school desegregation paradigm. By affirming a desegregation plan which included remedial education components in all‐minority schools, and which required state participation in financing these components, Milliken II heralded a new era of urban school desegregation. Resource issues and school effectiveness issues joined racial balance issues in the crucible of desegregation politics. In this chapter, the post‐Milliken politics of urban school desegregation are highlighted through examination of the St Louis and Kansas City cases. New goals, new issues, new alignments of interests and new political strategies are apparent, presenting new challenges to students of urban education policy and politics. 相似文献
14.
Maike Philipsen 《The Urban Review》1994,26(4):257-272
This article describes the cultural consequences of the local school closing in a predominantly black community (Centerville)
as a result of desegregation policies. Based on oral accounts of community members, the author unearths the diverse functions
the former all-black school used to have in the community. Furthermore, the possible reasons for the nostalgia with which
the community remembers its “own” school are analyzed. It is shown why the predominantly white schools to which today's students
are bused cannot possibly “pass the test” of comparison with the former community school. And finally, the article reminds
us of two promises ofBrown, only one of which has been fulfilled in the case of Centerville. While racial segregation of schooling was indeed abolished
in Centerville, the second promise ofBrown—providing equal educational opportunities for all children irrespective of race—remains elusive at best. And the very institution
that would be central to fulfilling the second promise ofBrown—a school for which the town feels a sense of ownership—was closed for the sake of desegregation.
Parts of this article have been the basis for an oral presentation at the South Atlantic Philosophy of Education Society meeting,
Richmond, VA, October 1993, and are published in the SAPES Proceedings, 1993, pp. 109–114. 相似文献
15.
On July 9, 1996, the Connecticut Supreme Court issued its landmark school desegregation decision, Sheff v. O'Neill. More than a decade later, Hartford's schoolchildren are as segregated as they were when the case was first filed in 1989. Based on data from a statewide survey and data collected from two focus groups of white parents collected shortly after the State's High Court ruling, this investigation reveals that the racial attitudes of white parents were, from the beginning, a major obstacle to a successful resolution of the Sheff impasse. 相似文献
16.
The marketization of K–12 education has led to an increase in school-based marketing efforts. Relatively little research, however, has examined how public schools market themselves, who is involved in marketing, and how these marketing efforts impact key stakeholders, including school administrators, teachers, students, and parents. We explore these questions in this qualitative study of school-based marketing efforts at South Boulevard,1 a foreign language immersion magnet elementary school in East Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana. Analysis of data from participant observation and in-depth interviews with key stakeholders reveals that administrators, teachers, parents, and students actively participated in marketing and recruiting, and that these efforts were associated with a number of implicit and explicit costs. Introducing two concepts from the business literature—business-level strategy and brand communities—yields a number of observations and policy questions. Finally, the shifting role of parents and administrators in an increasingly market-like school-choice environment is discussed. 相似文献
17.
《教育政策杂志》2012,27(1):68-94
ABSTRACTOslo introduced a combination of school choice, per capita funding, balanced management and accountability in their public schools. Recent studies point out that this has increased segregation. In this study, teachers have been interviewed about their experiences. Bernstein´s classification and framing tools have been used to analyse the consequences for schools and relations between schools and parents/students. ´Marginalised´ and ´privileged´ schools find themselves in negative and positive spirals when it comes to popularity. These spirals are classed, raced and, (in upper secondary school), also gendered. Since attracting the ´right´ students and avoiding getting the ´wrong´ ones is essential for both school categories, school choice creates a mutual interest between the school and privileged parents/students in fortifying the latter´s voice. Three findings are especially interesting: 1. Cream skimming occurs in undersubscribed schools in a strictly public-school context. 2. School choice affects internal priorities in marginalised schools so that segregation at the class level increases, thus the educational context may be more segregated than what is indicated by school level information. 3. School choice increases segregation in the local communities, as two schools near each other may have very different student compositions. Segregation is thus not only explained by segregated housing. 相似文献
18.
Xavier Bonal 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(3):401-421
This article shows how the Catalan government has not developed an agenda to tackle school segregation despite the growing number of migrant pupils who arrived over the course of the last decade. Education policy has explicitly disregarded the possibilities of improving the regulatory framework for tackling segregation; it has exercised insufficient control over the effective application of education regulations on the balanced schooling of pupils with specific educational needs; and it has taken decisions on education policy which have even accentuated school segregation. This article provides empirical evidence on the characteristics of school segregation in Catalonia and on the education policies developed by the Catalan government in the domain of the schooling of migrant pupils. The study illustrates how the absence of an explicit school desegregation policy is an example of the politics of non-decision-making and a case which clearly manifests the need to overcome behavioural analysis in policy decision-making. 相似文献
19.
Jamel K. Donnor 《Peabody Journal of Education》2018,93(1):23-37
In this paper, I examine the use of litigation as a strategic tool of resistance for thwarting school desegregation. Utilizing Cowan v. Bolivar County Board of Education as a case study, I argue that, despite losing the constitutional right to racially segregate public schools according to an explicit white supremacist doctrine, whites in Bolivar County, Mississippi, were successful in stemming the impending tide of social change associated with school desegregation through litigation. Litigious resistance not only provided southern whites with a racially moderate epistemology for undermining school desegregation regionally, but their legal challenges to school desegregation also laid the groundwork for non-southern white animus toward all federal education policies that promoted racial inclusion. 相似文献
20.
This paper presents an empirical analysis of the socioeconomic status (SES) school segregation in Chile, whose educational system is regarded as an extreme case of a market-oriented education. The study estimated the magnitude and evolution of the SES segregation of schools at both national and local levels, and it studied the relationship between some local educational market dynamics and the observed magnitude of SES school segregation at municipal level. The main findings were: first, the magnitude of the SES segregation of both low-SES and high-SES students in Chile was very high (Duncan Index ranged from 0.50 to 0.60 in 2008); second, during the last decade, SES school segregation tended to slightly increase in Chile, especially in high schools (both public and private schools); third, private schools – including voucher schools – were more segregated than public schools for both low-SES and high-SES students; and finally, some market dynamics operating in the Chilean education (like privatization, school choice, and fee-paying) accounted for a relevant proportion of the observed variation in SES school segregation at municipal level. These findings are analyzed from an educational policy perspective in which the link between SES school segregation and market-oriented mechanisms in education plays a fundamental role. 相似文献