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1.
Lisa A. Flores 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(4):362-387
Recent work in immigration suggests interconnections among race, nation, and immigration. This essay examines these relations, noting the rhetorical dynamics through which symbolic borders emerge and shift, in part through national debates over immigrants. Turning critical attention to mediated representations of Mexican immigrants in the 1920s and 1930s, I argue that Mexican immigrant bodies provided rhetorical space for a national discussion of race and nation. I highlight, in particular, a deportation drive and repatriation campaign that resulted in the mass exodus of hundreds of thousands of Mexicans and Mexican Americans. 相似文献
2.
Sharon Quinsaat 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(4):573-596
Using content analysis of the New York Times and USA Today, this study investigates the framing of immigration in two policy debates: on the Border Protection, Anti-terrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005 (H.R. 4437) in 2006 and on the Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act or Arizona Senate Bill (S.B.) 1070 in 2010. The bills crystallized various discourses on immigration in American society. Drawing on literature on media discourses, news frames, and framing processes, the article examines the attempt of mainstream mass media to reduce the complexity of immigration into palatable talking points. The findings demonstrate that through framing, the media create diametrically opposed representations of immigration and contemporary immigrants but at the same time normalize dominant ways of thinking and talking about immigration that sustain and consolidate power relationships. 相似文献
3.
Rohini S. Singh 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):161-177
ABSTRACTThis essay explores how the language and priorities of the corporate world seep into the halls of government, and the ensuing implications of such rhetoric. Situating my analysis in Singapore's National Day Rally addresses from 1960 to 2018, I uncover two rhetorical signatures unique to Singaporean neoliberalism: the location of national character in economic performance, and the act of packaging and selling the nation to its people. I conclude by examining the implications of a corporate constitution of the nation for evoking affective ties to the nation, and by considering the value of Singapore's case to broader critiques of neoliberalism. 相似文献
4.
Mark P. Moore 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):295-308
This essay identifies the American Western myth and the myth of the birth of the nation as political myths depicted by Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan in their 1964 and 1980 presidential campaigns respectively. While Goldwater and Reagan rely on the Western myth through 1964 to “define” America and promote political beliefs, Reagan joins the Western myth with the myth of the birth of the nation after Goldwater's resounding defeat to provide a rhetorical ground for moderating his political views and broadening his audience. In the essay, a model of political myth based on form and function is described and then applied to three addresses, one by Goldwater and two by Reagan. Analysis of the speeches reveals a symbiotic relationship between the Western myth and the birth myth that joins individuality with community in a heroic tale of America's growth as a nation. It also shows that Reagan's rhetoric expresses this symbiosis while Goldwater's does not. 相似文献
5.
Sarah C. Bishop 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2017,34(5):415-431
This essay examines the grassroots digital media produced by young undocumented immigrants to reveal how these media both enable and restrain immigrants in processes of negotiating the effects of stigma affiliated with being undocumented, abating isolation, and advocating for immigration reform. I problematize the coming out process by revealing the ways digital communication may discourage heterogeneous perspectives, normalize free labor, facilitate hateful and xenophobic responses, and perpetuate confirmation bias. Foregrounding oral history interviews with 25 undocumented or formerly undocumented immigrants in New York City, this project advances understanding regarding the facility and limitations of digital media while simultaneously attending to an existing underrepresentation of undocumented immigrants in U.S. scholarship. 相似文献
6.
《Journal of Government Information》2000,27(4):431-453
The United States is an “interest group society” and federal statistical policy, like all other aspects of contemporary American political life, is dominated by well-organized interest groups. The public review to revise the “Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity,” formerly known as “Statistical Policy Directive 15,” was notable for the significant presence of minority population interest groups. The politics of representation in the national statistical system during the 1970s is the subject of this article. The first part of the article summarizes the role that interest groups played in the recent debates on revising Statistical Policy Directive 15. The second part of the article discusses the origins of national statistics on minorities and their efforts during the 1970s to achieve inclusion in the body politic through representation in the federal statistical and administrative reporting systems. 相似文献
7.
《Government Information Quarterly》1994,11(1):7-21
The Federal government operates nine presidential libraries, and will soon assume responsibility for a tenth facility. Inaugurated with the Presidential Libraries Act of 1955, these entities are privately constructed on behalf of a former president and, on completion, are deeded to the United States. Deposited within these edifices are papers, records, memorabilia, and artifacts of the former president, his family, and oftentimes, his political associates. These materials are accessible to the public in accordance with prevailing law concerning custody, national security, and personal privacy as well as other donor restrictions. In subsequent years, other statutes—the Presidential Records Act of 1978 and the Presidential Libraries Act of 1986—have further modified arrangements concerning these facilities. An overview is provided here of the development of the Federal presidential library system, the authority governing it, and its operation and cost. 相似文献
8.
Sara L. McKinnon 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(3):215-231
In the mid-1990s, US immigration courts were introduced to a group of Iranian women who claimed that they feared persecution because of their “pro-Western and feminist” political opinions and because of the way they performed gender on their bodies. The claims were, in total, unsuccessful bids to asylum. Analyzing these cases set against the geopolitical background of US–Iranian history and contemporary relations, I argue that their denials illustrate three important dynamics. First, building on rhetorical theorizing of voice and body, this essay demonstrates the uneasy reception in US law and politics of willful noncitizen women of color with explicit political voices and bodies, and second, the consequential racialization of these subjects as willful, unorderable migrant subjects too akin in their sovereignty to their state of birth. Third, this analysis adds to the field's attentiveness to geopolitics by consequently demonstrating US necropolitical desires toward Iran in the state's engagement with these cases. I argue that for the United States to recognize these claimants as having political voices contrary to their state would be to recognize the presence and legitimacy of that state—a sovereign that challenges US power and modernity on the global stage. 相似文献
9.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):139-161
Scholars have devoted considerable attention to the concept of national identity. In a globalizing world, however, identity is increasingly shaped not only by one's own nation but also by foreign nations. With this in mind, this study theorizes international identity as a communicative process. We propose four features of international identity—that it is distinct, relational, contextual, and stratified—and examine these features in one crucial context: the modern American presidency. Our content analysis of every mention of a foreign entity in 74 years worth of presidential discourse—2480 mentions in all—supports our conception of international identity and begins to identify the parameters of this construct in American political communication. 相似文献
10.
Leslie Hahner 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2):113-134
Drawing primarily on discourses and events from the period surrounding World War I, this essay examines the methods deployed by Camp Fire Girls and Girls Scouts to recruit the daughters of immigrants and, upon joining, acculturate these new members to the American way of life. The argument begins by analyzing those discourses describing the so-called “new immigrant” from southern and eastern Europe as a threat to national unity. Turning to the ways in which the new immigrant problem was gendered through the rhetorical construction of a “girl problem,” this author argues that the advocates describing the girl problem leveraged the presumed cultural rift between foreign-born parents and their new-world children in order to induce the daughters of the foreign-born to perform as American. The essay closely analyzes the discourses of two groups committed to the project of Americanizing the daughters of immigrants: the Camp Fire Girls and Girl Scouts. The article contends that these groups, the two most popular of the period, Americanized the daughter of the foreign-born by using recruitment tactics that invited her to dissociate from an old-world ethnicity, deploying legendary heroines re-figuring the girl's American belonging, and engineering patriotic regimens habituating her to American customs. Ultimately, this essay demonstrates how these groups rhetorically refigured the cultural and social belonging of their members in order to assuage public concerns about national unity. 相似文献
11.
Although immigration always has been an issue of political debate, the 2015 European migrant crisis led to an enormous increase in attention from policymakers and news media. Many studies already focused on the representation of the crisis in the news, but no systematic longitudinal research existed comparing coverage in crisis and non-crisis times. This study analyzes all television news items on immigration in Flanders (Belgium) from the two main broadcasters from the period 2003–2017. By doing so, we are able to study whether there are changes in immigration coverage before and during the crisis years. We focus specifically on the actors that get the opportunity to voice their point of view on immigration and on the issues related to immigration. Our results show that before the crisis, immigration news coverage on the commercial and public service broadcaster was relatively similar. However, during the crisis their approach changes. The commercial broadcaster criminalizes immigration more and focuses on political actors. The public broadcaster opts for a broader issue approach and gives the word more to citizens and immigrants during the crisis. We elaborate in the conclusion on how crises can change the nature of reporting. 相似文献
12.
Ken Walibora Waliaula 《Curator: The Museum Journal》2012,55(2):113-127
Abstract In remembering the attainment of political emancipation, post‐independence African countries have learned to narrate the official national narrative and to forget other stories. Commemoration of the nation’s past almost always goes hand in hand with officially decreed national amnesia. Therefore, the story of the nation has to be narrated and remembered by forgetting certain aspects of the colonial past. By implication the dual act of remembering and forgetting sets the pattern for how the postcolonial African nation narrates itself in the postcolonial moment. Focusing on Kenya as an example, this paper argues that the national commemoration of political emancipation from colonial rule tends to silence narratives of opposition and political incarceration that emerge in the postcolonial moment. The outcome is a remembering‐and‐forgetting battle that has implications for how diverse individuals conceive of themselves collectively as a nation and how they forge or fail to forge a coherent collective memory. 相似文献
13.
On October 22, 1986, C. Everett Koop released the Surgeon General's Report on Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome. This essay examines that report as a rhetorical watershed in the national dialogue about AIDS. We suggest that this report—and the media attention that attended it—dramatically shifted the socio‐political environment concerning AIDS and contextual‐izfd Reagan's silence concerning the disease as a lack of presidential leadership on the issue. 相似文献
14.
In the past 2 decades, cable television and the Internet have greatly increased the availability of media content. The phenomenon has reinvigorated a longstanding debate about the effects of this media landscape, as people selectively get exposed to specific content. Based on U.S. national survey data, this article advances research in this area by analyzing the interplay between individuals' ideological predispositions, their selective exposure to cable news, and the relationship between selective exposure and their attitudes toward an issue with key policy-making implications: Mexican immigration. Results indicate conservative Republicans are more likely to watch FOX News, which is associated with negative perceptions of Mexican immigrants and higher support for restrictive immigration policies. Findings also suggest that liberals who get exposed to FOX News also show less support for Mexican immigration. 相似文献
15.
Miguel Franquet Santos Silva Elena Real Rodríguez Ana Beriain Bañares María del Mar López Talavera 《Journalism Practice》2017,11(5):592-605
This study analyses the representation of immigrants in four Spanish national newspapers, El País, El Mundo, La Razón and ABC, between 1 June 2013 and 31 June 2014. Seven days per month were randomly selected, each corresponding to a different day of the week; 91 editions of each paper, 364 in total, were analysed. Of the 289 items relating to immigrants, 179 in which one or more photographs appeared in addition to text were chosen for analysis. Among the main results, two stand out: first, immigrants do not usually have an opportunity to communicate directly with readers and, secondly, the treatment of news items on immigration by the four Spanish newspapers is variable. 相似文献
16.
Daniel C. Brouwer 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(5):351-371
This essay demonstrates how two U.S. zines produced from 1990 to 1999 by and for gay men with HIV/AIDS—Diseased Pariah News (DPN) and Infected Faggot Perspectives (IFP)—constitute counterpublics. I demonstrate how DPN and IFP constitute counterpublics through thematization of two important forms of difference—blood status (HIV-positive or HIV-negative), and political ideology. I then specify and elaborate primary modes of corporeal expressivity in the zines—the erotic/sexual and the grotesque—to demonstrate the work that each mode does for the counterpublics. 相似文献
17.
为提升图书馆面向移民用户的服务质量,美国图书馆协会牵头发起“图书馆移民服务项目”,在梳理总结过去经验的基础上,针对移民服务提出九条优化建议,并通过《图书馆项目与美国移民白皮书》发布。我国日益成长为国际移民目的国,美国公共图书馆移民服务的经验值得国内公共图书馆学习和借鉴。 相似文献
18.
Trade agreements are constitution‐like in that they constrain action at “lower” or national and sub‐national levels (Jackson, 1988). This article examines some constitution‐like effects of telecommunication provisions in the North American Free Trade Agreement on U.S. policies regulating pornography. Recent U.S. actions to regulate on‐line pornography, through amendments to the Communications Act and the Comstock Act, and relevant cases, including the recent Amateur Action decision, are discussed. The relevant provisions in the NAFTA are outlined. The paper concludes that U.S. efforts to regulate content of on‐line services which appear to fall within the category of enhanced/value‐added telecommunication services would not be strictly “NAFTA‐legal” under the telecommunication chapter, but could be made so utilizing the privacy, consumer protection or cultural‐industries exceptions which were not intended for this purpose nor were advocated by the U.S. The broader implications for the future of the nation state and for a possible international regime governing offensive speech are discussed. 相似文献
19.
On May 12, 2013, two men opened fire on a Mother’s Day second line parade in New Orleans’s Seventh Ward. This essay attends to discourses from public officials and news media following the shooting that reified what we describe as affective divestment from the suffering of historically marginalized bodies and communities. Specifically, public discourse characterized the shooting as an episode of “street violence” that did not warrant sustained national attention. Affective divestment is the consequence of rhetorical maneuvers that signal a pushing away from certain bodies by intimate publics—an estrangement at the symbolic level that has naturalized or rationalized the neglect of certain forms of suffering. Such estrangement, we argue, is a function of neoliberal logics that devalue and, at times, necessitate the suffering of disposable populations. 相似文献
20.
《Government Information Quarterly》1996,13(2):159-173
In an age characterized by distributed information, where the majority of the expertise is in the private sector, the concept of “central intelligence” is an oxymoron. The greatest threat to both national security and national economic competitiveness is ignorance—uninformed decision making. Intelligence communities are slowly discovering that they should not send a spy where a schoolchild can go, and that spies are not harnessing the vast distributed intelligence of the private sector. Unfortunately, the culture of intelligence in most countries believes that its uniqueness rests on secrets rather than thinking—on producing secrets rather than informing policy. To survive in the 21st century, every nation must become a “smart nation” and engage all of its citizens—every citizen must be a collector, producer, and consumer of intelligence—and, thus, create the Virtual Intelligence Community. To integrate and make the best use of both open-source intelligence and traditional classified intelligence, each nation must establish a National Information Strategy which addresses connectivity, content, coordination, and computational security. 相似文献