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While recent research highlights the child’s active rolein her own political socialization, this study represents thefirst test of the premise that political identification proceedsas adolescents prompt feedback from parents. I propose a modelof developmental provocation in which adolescents’ interestin an election campaign, once stimulated by news media use,motivates them to engage parents in political conversations.By initiating discussion, adolescents can generate informationfrom parents as a basis for comparison, contrast, reflection,and debate—all of these activities might foster partyand ideological identity. Results from survey panel data supportthe model. The field setting is Lubbock, Texas, during the finalweeks of the 2000 presidential campaign. The stunning aftermathof the election, including the dispute over ballot recountsin Florida, provided a unique opportunity to examine politicalsocialization. Child-initiated discussion generated both parentalencouragement and defensive admonitions, reflecting structuralchanges in family communication patterns. Despite controls fordemographics and parent-initiated discussion, child-initiatedconversation and the resulting feedback predicted an increasein the likelihood that an adolescent would adopt a politicalidentity. 相似文献
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This study examines whether or not attention to campaign newsinfluences political trust. It also explores whether politicaltrust predicts attention to campaign news, and whether the mechanismof influence between attention to campaign news and politicaltrust differs across educational levels. Political trust wasoperationalized as trust in government. The 1992 American NationalElection Survey data were used. Results of two-stage least squaresanalysis show that attention to television campaign coveragereduced trust in government, while a low level of trust in governmentincreased attention to newspaper campaign coverage. More importantly,the mechanism of influence between political trust and attentionto campaign coverage differed across educational levels. Amongthe less educated, attention to campaign coverage on televisionled to lower levels of trust. Among the more educated, a lowlevel of trust in government increased attention to campaigncoverage. The findings also indicate that the types of media(television vs. newspapers) matter when it comes to media effectson political trust, Implications of findings on the relationshipsbetween the concepts of political trust, vigilant skepticism,education, and media use are discussed. 相似文献
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Weiyu Zhang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(5):474-492
This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed. 相似文献
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Josef Seethaler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):258-278
As election campaigns changed substantially in Western countries, it is generally hypothesized that this change in campaign communication is rooted in a revolution in communications, with the media rejecting its former role as mere transmitters and becoming a major actor in the campaigning process. Regarding the analysis of the “mediatization of politics”, Strömbäck presented a four phases model which offers a way to explore such a process in an explicit and systematic fashion. The resulting struggle between political parties and the media over who shall control the agendas of campaigns forces politicians to adapt to and, finally, to adopt media logic. By operationalizing these four phases in order to allow for empirical research, we investigated the roles of the news media and the political parties in Austrian campaign communication in the last four decades. Taking the agenda-setting power as an indicator for changes in this relationship, our study is based on the concepts of agenda-building and policy agenda-setting as extensions of the agenda-setting model. To establish party and media agendas, a content analysis was conducted on news releases of all Austrian parliamentary parties, the main evening newscasts of all Austrian broadcasters, as well as the political coverage of two quality papers and two major tabloids during the “hot phase” of the campaign. For examining the “struggle over agendas”, a time-series cross-section design (including data on 20 different policy dimensions) was applied. First results are based on the analysis of five election campaigns in 1970, 1983, 1990, 1999, and 2008. 相似文献
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On 29 September 2016, the Indian army conducted a surgical strike along the India–Pakistan border. The mainstream news media in India followed the event with assertive nationalistic rhetoric. What was supposed to be a covert military operation against terrorism became morphed into political rhetoric aggravated by the unwarranted jingoism of television news channels and social media. The coverage of the strike on television news is typically characterized by a confluence of militant nationalist discourses, and the ideologically imbued labelling of specific communities. Within this context, drawing from the close reading of the coverage, this article analyses how Indian television news sustains the construction of a fictive “we”, conflated with the government policies and military strategies, and speaks for a supposedly homogeneous national consensus that also consciously obscures the dissent through minority voices. The article emphasizes the relationship between communities, formal politics, and the supposedly non-political spaces and practices of news media in India. 相似文献
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Paul D'Angelo 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):295-310
This article develops a theoretical model consisting of three mechanisms that link metacoverage, a type of election campaign news, to mediatization, a meta-process in which media organizations influence politics. The mechanisms hinge on the point that metacoverage—consisting of both topics and frames—constitutes a rich set of process-oriented cues that influence how campaign organizations adjust to the media logic in the course of performing functions associated with the office-seeking political campaign logic. A case study of 2012 US presidential election news was conducted to illustrate how metacoverage influences campaign strategies. 相似文献
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Katrien Symons Koen Ponnet Ini Vanwesenbeeck Michel Walrave Joris Van Ouytsel 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2020,64(1):1-19
Structural equation modeling is applied to investigate how parents’ communication with their child about his or her Internet use is linked to the child’s acceptance of parental authority in the context of Internet use, and how this in turn is linked to the child’s social media behavior. This study surveyed children aged 13 to 18 and their mothers and fathers (N = 357 families) and found that acceptance of parental authority is a key factor in the effectiveness of parental mediation. It is recommended that parental mediation is studied as a dynamic process shaped by both parents and children. 相似文献
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This article fills a gap in the communication and political science literature by comparing how Spanish- and English-language television stations cover U.S. elections. A content analysis of more than 400 national network news stories and nearly 3,000 local news stories reveals that local and network Spanish-language stations provide less election coverage than their English-language counterparts. Although Spanish-language stations are more likely to focus election coverage on “Latino” issues or interests, the results indicate only moderate differences in how stations in each language frame their election stories, with stations in both languages concentrating more coverage around campaign strategy and the horse race than substantive issues. 相似文献
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Jason Turcotte 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2017,45(5):576-595
Despite news fragmentation, declining levels of voter knowledge, and waning interest in U.S. politics, debates attract mass audiences, reduce barriers of learning, and offer a greater focus on policy issues than that typically found in campaign news coverage. Nonetheless, debates are routinely driven by the same commercial, for-profit news journalists who routinely emphasize strategic campaign issues (e.g. the horserace) at the expense of policy content. As moderators, journalists have been scrutinized for the agenda they set in electoral debates. Using a multiyear dataset that treats debate questions as the unit of analysis, this quantitative content analysis explores news routines in the context of mediated debates while isolating media characteristics predictive of news attention to policy matters. The data show that journalists working for local news outlets and those working for commercial outlets are more likely to emphasize policy issues. Implications for debate sponsorship and campaigns are discussed. 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(6):657-671
While few would deny the crucial role of citizens in democratic governance, there are still only a few studies that focus on ordinary citizens’ inclusion in political news coverage. First, we present a number of factors conditioning ordinary citizens’ appearances in the news. Second, based on the discussion of these factors, we formulate a number of research questions. After conducting an extensive content analysis covering almost 6000 actors appearing in political news coverage in the two major Danish broadcasters, DR1 and TV2, between 1994 and 2007, we find that ordinary citizens appear more often in reports on intrusive issues such as welfare, that they appear more often in news items positioned later in the news bulletins, that they, largely speaking, appear more often closer to election day, but that there are almost no differences between commercial and public service broadcasting. These findings are discussed in the light of past research on media source use and the ongoing changing foundations of political communication. 相似文献
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Moniek Buijzen Ph.D. Esther Rozendaal MSc. Ph.D. Marjolein Moorman Ph.D. Martin Tanis Ph.D. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):509-525
In a survey among 360 parent-child dyads (children aged 8–12 years), parent and child reports of parental advertising mediation activities were examined. The first aim was to investigate how parent-child agreement in reporting mediation differed by family and child factors. Results showed that agreement was highest in communication-oriented families and between parents and girls. The second aim was to examine the role of agreement in predicting the mediation outcome (i.e., reduced materialism). Both measures predicted the mediation outcome, but its effectiveness was contingent on parent-child agreement. Mediation was most effective when parents and children both reported that parents often discussed advertising. 相似文献
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Sungtae Ha 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):315-342
Traditionally, two competing claims have arisen that attempt to explain the role of political sophistication in media effectiveness. I reassess the positive versus negative impacts of political sophistication on media priming effects by considering a curvilinear approach. I combine public opinion data (National Election Studies) on candidate selection criteria in 1992 and 2000 presidential elections with content analyses of campaign news coverage to see which segment of voters at different sophistication levels is most susceptible to media agendas. Quadratic regression analyses reveal that an inverted U-shaped relationship exists between voters' susceptibility to campaign news and their level of political sophistication. Such a curvilinear relationship means that the moderately sophisticated are more likely to accept news agendas than the least or most sophisticated. The findings illuminate the long-standing debate about the inconsistent linear relationships between the two variables, providing a more cogent explanation underlying media priming effects. 相似文献
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This study examined substantive political coverage of the first presidential debate and the political conventions in 2004 on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast television networks' nightly newscasts. The study found the networks' coverage to be more hype than substance and coverage on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart to be more humor than substance. The amount of substantive information in The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast network newscasts was the same, regardless of whether the unit of analysis was news stories about the presidential election campaign or the entire half-hour program. 相似文献
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Jason A. Martin Jessica Gall Myrick Kimberly K. Walker 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(5):614-636
This experiment integrated theory from multiple domains to examine how aspects of news coverage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) and differences in participants’ cognitive and emotional contingent conditions interact to shape attitudes and behavioral intentions toward health care legislation. Using a sample of uninsured young adults (N = 1,056), we tested an affective mediation model, which assessed the mechanisms through which media frames, exemplar case studies, and individual predispositions affect this type of news consumer. Results demonstrate the complicated pathways through which emotions mediate the effects of news coverage of ACA based on political predispositions, the need for orientation toward the health care issue, and the influence of equivalency framing in the form of example cases. These findings contribute to a more nuanced explanation of the causal mechanisms underpinning framing effects of public policy news coverage on an understudied population. The need for further examination of emotion along with cognition when investigating framing effects of public policy news is discussed, and the importance of exemplar cases as a significant manifestation of the effects equivalence framing is highlighted. 相似文献
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By studying candidates’ Facebook fan pages and rolling poll data during the Hong Kong Legislative Council election in 2016, this article aims at examining the relationships between candidates’ campaign performance on social media, electoral momentum, and vote shares. We contend that, under specific contextual conditions, social media campaigns could affect candidates’ momentum during the election period, which can in turn affect vote shares. We also examine how the relationships between social media performance and electoral momentum vary according to the candidates’ background characteristics, including age, political affiliation, incumbency status, and scale of the campaign of the political group to which the candidates belong. The results show that candidates’ social media performance can indeed predict vote shares indirectly via the mediation of electoral momentum. The predictive power of social media performance is stronger for pro-democracy candidates, incumbents, and candidates belonging to political groups with larger election campaigns. 相似文献
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Compared to parental mediation research, much less is known about how children influence and guide their parents’ media use. This study examined whether children also mediate the television use of their parents. Measures of an existing television mediation scale were reversed to the perspective of the child guiding the parent’s television use. A sample of 187 parent-child dyads completed a cross-sectional survey in Flanders (Belgium). Factor analyses showed that the original subscales were reproduced with high internal validity. Both parents and children had congruent views about children’s television mediation; television mediation and children's restrictive mediation was positively associated with conflict in the family. 相似文献
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Namik Top 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2016,60(2):195-212
According to a social cognitive theory, children may learn to function through processes of modeling and observational learning, with parents and the media being the significant sources of socialization and learning in the home environment. Adolescence is a period when children progressively look for autonomy and independence. One of the important research questions is whether adolescents utilize screen-based media with or without parental monitoring and limit-setting. This exploratory study examines socio-demographic factors associated with parenting (i.e., co-using, limit setting on the amount, limit setting on contents, and active mediation) in regards to television and video game usage during adolescence. Participants were 799 adolescents (5th to 12th graders) and their parents. Results indicate no gender differences in parental monitoring, but age/grade differences were found with less parental monitoring (more autonomy or independence) of older children. Parental monitoring also differed by ethnicity and by household income. Asian parents were the most restrictive while Hispanic parents were the least restrictive. Parents also reported more active mediation or engagement in families with higher household income. Findings initiate consideration of parenting styles in adolescent media usage, which have implications for adolescent adjustment and developmental outcomes. 相似文献
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Tanya Muscat 《Journalism Practice》2018,12(2):220-235
When considering the role of local journalism in a networked media environment, it is crucial to examine how audiences attribute news with the power to define social knowledge. In particular, television news programs need to appeal to audiences by reinforcing a sense of local journalistic authority to assert the parameters of who and what is worthy of coverage. This article presents the findings from interviews with a range of commercial television news viewers in Sydney, Australia. It positions viewership in the context of people’s wider engagement with news, and in relation to their interpersonal and digital social interactions. The paper argues that local audiences have conflicting attitudes to the role of television news, both contesting and re-inscribing the programs with the power to demarcate social, political, and cultural knowledge. It traces how local audiences challenge the ability of news to convey boundaries within the community through processes of exclusion, connecting the contestations to the lived experiences of the individuals. It identifies that television news programs nurture journalistic authority in terms of their local relevance, and it contributes insights on the significance of local news by engaging with the means by which audiences themselves attach social power to journalism. 相似文献
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The role of the press as a political watchdog is crucial to the functioning of democracy. Especially in the run-up to elections, voters depend on the media's presentation of parties and candidates to make informed, responsible choices at the ballot box. But who, then, influences the news media? Empirical evidence in the United States and Europe suggests that political party campaigns and election coverage in the news media are interconnected and influence each other. This study tests whether such agenda-setting effects between party campaigns and the media also take place in the general elections in the world's largest democracy, India. India's western-type political system has a distinct media system characterized by high competition, diversification, non-consolidation and formal and informal ties between the media, commercial interests and political actors. Content analysis and Granger's causality test of newspaper coverage (N?=?716) and party campaign messages (N?=?458) found that agenda-setting effects do occur in India, but are largely bi-directional. We also found an overwhelming focus of both newspapers’ election coverage and of all major party campaigns on one single candidate, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s Narendra Modi. This, we argue, is a result of the broader trends that have shaped Indian politics in recent years. The significant correlations and non-significant causal effects between party campaign and media coverage also indicate a trade-off situation between political power negotiation and political balance in the press. 相似文献