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1.
ABSTRACTLearning a heritage language can be celebrated to enhance marginalized groups’ self-esteem, but a heritage can also encompass ideologies prevalent in the groups’ original homeland. Based on ethnographic fieldwork (2007–2011) at a weekend Japanese-language school in the United States, this article investigates how ideologies on race politics within a heritage language community’s homeland are reproduced or subverted through heritage language education. We analyze treatment of Korea–Japan power relations at school by focusing on the practice of guiding students (not) to shift their perspectives in three cases involving (a) discrimination against Resident Koreans in Japan, (b) gender-specific abortion in South Korea, and (c) South Korea and Japan’s dispute over possession of Tokdo/Takeshima. While social analyses of heritage language education tend to focus on a minority group’s place in mainstream society, this article suggests investigating the reproduction of ideologies from its homeland via heritage language education. 相似文献
2.
Lissa L. Roberts 《Science & Education》2012,21(2):157-177
One of the two most extensive instrument collections in the Netherlands during the second half of the eighteenth century—rivaling
the much better known collection at the University of Leiden—belonged to an orphanage in The Hague that was specially established
to mold hand-picked orphans into productive citizens. (The other was housed at the Mennonite Seminary in Amsterdam, for use
in the education of its students.) The educational program at this orphanage, one of three established by the Fundatie van Renswoude, grew out of a marriage between the socially-oriented generosity of the wealthy Baroness van Renswoude and the pedagogical
vision of the institute’s director and head teacher—a vision that fit with the larger movement of oeconomic patriotism. Oeconomic patriotism, similar to ‘improvement’ and oeconomic movements in other European countries and their colonies, sought to tie the investigation of nature to an improvement of
society’s material and moral well-being. Indeed, it was argued that these two facets of society should be viewed as inseparable from each other,
distinguishing the movement from more modern conceptions of economics. While a number of the key figures in this Dutch movement
also became prominent Patriots during the revolutionary period at the end of the century, fighting against the House of Orange,
they did not have a monopoly on oeconomic ideas of societal improvement. This is demonstrated by the fact that an explicitly pro-Orangist society, Mathesis Scientiarum Genitrix, was organized in 1785 to teach science and mathematics to poor boys and orphans for very similar reasons: to turn them into
productive and useful citizens. As was the case with the Fundatie van Renswoude, a collection of instruments was assembled to help make this possible. This story is of interest because it discusses a hitherto
under-examined use to which science education was put during this period, by revealing the link between such programs and
the highly charged question of citizenry. 相似文献
3.
日本小学社会科教科书中的“传统与文化” 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
日本已将成为一个"文化创造型国家"确立为国家发展的方向。"传统与文化"教育被寄予了创建国际社会、日本社会、区域社会以及学校社会的重任。2008年修订的课程标准新增了有关传统与文化的课程内容。小学社会科教科书中"传统与文化"相关内容通过展现学生自主探究、学习传统与文化的过程来培养学生的民族认同感,这种内容组织方式是值得肯定的。但是,"传统与文化"内容仅限于三年级有关区域社会的变迁和发展单元与六年级的历史单元中,而且缺乏从传统文化在今天和未来的价值、传统文化对国际社会的影响这两个视角来组织,这将是日本"传统与文化"教育亟待解决的课题。 相似文献
4.
Private supplementary tutoring became a widespread phenomenon in Japan during the 1960s. Since then, institutions providing tutoring known as juku have provided a wide range of services to supplement mainstream education. During decades of development, the shapes and functions of juku have changed in response to changes in schooling. Government attitudes towards juku have also shifted from rejection to collaboration, partly because juku have become so entrenched in Japanese society and can no longer be excluded from public decision-making processes. Collaboration between schools and juku is becoming increasingly evident in a series of neoliberal policy choices and socio-demographic changes. Patterns underline a government move to mobilize profit-driven juku to serve the public good. The inclusion of juku in public schooling necessitates reconceptualization of the roles of juku in the educational landscape. This article presents a conceptual framework based on an overview of the changing relationships between juku and schooling. It also identifies challenges in the collaboration, and explores implications for future relationships between mainstream and shadow education. 相似文献
5.
The education for sustainable development movement in Japan: a political perspective 总被引：2，自引：2，他引：0
The Japanese government provided various political opportunities for non‐governmental groups and individuals in Japan to ‘jointly propose’ policy on education and sustainable development at the World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg, 2002. These opportunities resulted in the emergence of the Japanese education for sustainable development (ESD) movement, and the crystallisation of a broader proposal that led to the initiation of the UN Decade of ESD (2005–2014). In this paper, we trace the history of these two outcomes, arguing that the opportunities, developed through the coordination of non‐governmental groups by government, took place within, rather than broadened or confronted, the government’s scope of interests. While the paper illustrates how the government’s continued support was crucial to the development of the ESD movement and the UN Decade, and the movement has met with considerable achievements thus far (via its collective challenges to conventional education in a sustainability context in Japan), we argue that recognition of the political opportunity structures that affect the movement’s further development remains crucial. In particular, we argue for close attention to the significance of a corporatist framing of this emerging civil society movement in Japan by the national government, and call for further political and historical analysis of ESD movements and their relations with government, around the world. 相似文献
6.
7.
Jorge Knijnik 《British Educational Research Journal》2021,47(2):355-371
This article addresses key topics of academic freedom and critical pedagogy during a time of right-wing populist politics. The rise of the far-right politician Jair Bolsonaro to Brazil’s presidency in 2019 was accompanied by a vow to eradicate any vestige of the ideas of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire from the country’s schools. Bolsonaro’s campaign was supported by ultra-conservative groups that have as their core mission a traditional Christian and anti-Communist educational agenda. At the forefront of these groups is the influential and conspicuous ‘Escola sem Partido’ (ESP) movement that has forcefully campaigned against Freire’s critical pedagogy across the country and promoted physical and online abuse of teachers since 2014. This article asks how Freire’s philosophies can be an ally in the struggle for democratic education in the current political climate in Brazil. It employs a method of dialogical narrative to bring Freire’s theories and critical methodology to life and test their potency against the ESP educational philosophies. It initially employs Freire’s core ideas to examine the ESP policies and parliamentary bills. In the second part, it analyses documents and online content produced by civil society resistance to ESP pressures. The findings show the vitality of Freire’s pedagogical philosophy to empower oppressed communities in their demands for quality education. The narrative concludes by demonstrating the vital role of the critical consciousness process and of Freire’s pedagogy of freedom to support ongoing struggles by teachers and communities to block ESP attempts to abolish critical thinking in Brazilian public education. 相似文献
8.
村上春树作为在当今世界范围内受到广泛认可的作家之一,其作品除了探究现代人孤独游离的精神状态之外,还展现出了其富有社会责任意识的一面。即通过作品中的中国因素,引出原罪意识,然后对日本的历史尤其是二战期间包括侵华战争在内的充满暴力与邪恶的历史进行了揭露、追究,发掘出日本文化中暴力性因素的源头和传承,进而反省和思考日本民族的未来,从而在某种意义上实现了社会责任与道义的救赎。 相似文献
9.
《Chinese Education & Society》2013,46(1):105-109
The production movement has stirred up great activity at K'angta. According to the report of authorities at K'angta this movement has the following threefold significance: Economically speaking, K'angta's operating expenses are covered by savings effected by reductions in clothing allotments and salary for all officers and soldiers of the Eighth Route Army and all officials of the Border Region government. This source is certainly not all that sufficient for K'angta's expenses. K'angta has already been operating for four semesters. The number of anti-Japanese cadres created and sent to the various battlefields is not less than several thousand. From a mere hundred persons in the first semester,* K'angta has already grown to five or six thousand students. The first semester's students were mostly former cadres of the Eighth Route Army. Now youths from not only each province of the whole nation but even from Malaya, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Annam, Burma, Java and elsew here have traveled across land and water in considerable numbers to come to K'angta. While in one sense this is a manifestation of K'angta's progress, at the same time it cannot help but increase the school's financial problems. However, K'angta is a school for the resistance against Japan; it was born in response to the needs of the war and certainly cannot allow financial problems to stand in its way. On the contrary, it should increasingly adapt itself to the development of the war by further expanding. Therefore K'angta's authorities have resolved not to pay attention to any difficulties or hardships. In order to produce greater numbers of anti-Japanese cadres, to increase and strengthen the nations capacity for conducting the war of resistance, to win the final victory in the war against Japan, the school must continue to increase its recruitment of students. Thus the production movement has two functions economically. One is to increase the supply of provisions for each department; the other is to provide partial relief for the school's financial problems. 相似文献
10.
M.C. Kate Esposito Kimmie Tang Saili S. Kulkarni 《Journal of educational administration and history》2019,51(1):43-52
ABSTRACTInclusion refers to the practice of educating students with disabilities in the general education setting. This concept stems from the seminal United States Congressional legislation PL 94-142, and its subsequent reauthorised amendments, which mandate that students with disabilities be educated in the general education setting with their ‘non-disabled’ peers to the maximum extent possible. IDEIA’s legal mandates underscore the stark reality of discrimination and exclusion faced by individuals with disabilities within schools and society. Although progress has been made in advancing equity agendas of access and academic achievement, few would deny that significant work remains. If all individuals, including those with disabilities are to achieve their birthright of full integration into society, schools must reflect integration at all levels. This article provides a historical perspective on the inclusion movement, discusses the role school leaders play in ensuring inclusive environments and concludes with recommendations for future school leaders and teachers. 相似文献
11.
Margaret Mehl 《History of education》2013,42(4):525-543
Obara Kuniyoshi, a leading representative in Japan’s New Education movement in the early twentieth century, founded his own private school, Tamagawa Gakuen, in 1929. Although his educational philosophy owes more to contemporary Western ideas about educational reform than to Japan’s educational heritage, Obara throughout his life invoked the juku, a type of private academy prevalent in Japan until the late nineteenth century, and made ‘juku education’ one of his principles. This case study examines Obara’s ‘juku‐myth’ both in the context of Obara’s educational thought and achievements and in the context of recent discussions about collective memory as a historical reality in its own right. 相似文献
12.
《Chinese Education & Society》2013,46(3):37-57
Politically, the opening of a women's university has unusually great significance. The women's university not only trains a large number of women cadres in the knowledge of military affairs, but also educates a great many cadres who will work in the women's movement and be ready to go to the front line areas, villages, and factories to organize 255,000,000 women to participate in the war effort against Japan. If half of the Chinese women were not politically awakened, China would not win her war against Japan. Women play a crucially important role in this war: they educate children, encourage husbands, and teach the masses of people; there is no question whatsoever that if women are mobilized the entire Chinese people naturally are also mobilized. 相似文献
13.
清末民初的留日学生与中国近代社会变迁 总被引：5，自引：0，他引：5
王忠萍 《徐州师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2002,28(2):10-16
清末民初是中国向日本派遣留学生的高潮时期，为中国社会的变革培育了新生的力量，留日学生对中国社会变迁的影响主要表现为；一是推动了晚清时期教育事业的发展，二是促进了辛亥革命的爆发，三是掀起了解放思想的新文化运动，四是推动了中国共产主义运动的兴起，五是对民国以后中国政治的演变产生了重大影响。 相似文献
14.
ABSTRACTThis study examines how origami has been implemented, practised, and developed in the early childhood education of Japan over the past 140 years. Historically speaking, paper-folding has been part of Japanese symbolic art, craft culture, and religious ceremonial artefacts since paper and paper-folding techniques were first imported from China during the seventh century. By the eighteenth century, paper-folding provided a form of mass entertainment in Japanese society. During the 1870s, paper-folding was dramatically transformed into a pedagogical tool within Japanese kindergartens after Friedrich Froebel’s (1782–1852) kindergarten system and its curriculum was transferred to Japan from the West. “Papier-Falten” (paper-folding) comprised an element of Froebel’s Occupations – which was a series of handiwork activities – in his kindergarten curriculum, whereby various folding techniques and models were derived from European traditional paper-folding and introduced into a Japanese kindergarten curriculum that was associated with the concept of Froebel’s kindergarten. Particularly seen in early childhood education in Japan, what we now call origami developed as a new form of paper-folding. This gradually emerged through the marriage of Western (German) and Eastern (Japanese) paper-folding cultures. The study highlights the benefits and uniqueness of cultural transmission and transformation when developing origami in early childhood education in Japan. 相似文献
15.
民国时期安徽农村合作运动 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
汪效驷 《安徽师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2005,33(5):591-596
安徽省是民国时期农村合作运动先进省份之一。1926年以后,安徽农村经济走向破产,特别是遭受1931年的特大水灾,使之成为慈善团体救济和进行合作实验的重要对象。从1934年至抗战前夕,在省合作委员会的主导之下,合作运动发展迅速,收效显著。抗日战争时期,运动服从和服务于抗战的大局,发挥了战时稳定农村经济的重要作用。盛行30年,遍布全省60余县的农村合作运动是安徽农业近代化的一次有益的尝试。 相似文献
16.
祁建民 《内蒙古师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2009,38(5):27-37
本文从20世纪30年代的内蒙古自治运动和日本对华侵略、准备对苏作战的双重视角考察蒙疆政权的形成、发展和消亡过程。本文认为：蒙疆政权出现的背景是国内民族矛盾激化以及蒙古自治运动的爆发,但是这种内部纷争由于日本关东军这一外部势力的介入而进一步恶化,使得一部分蒙古族势力走向民族分裂的道路。当时的日本军支持德王建立蒙疆政府并不是真心帮助“蒙古独立建国”,而是出于自身的战略目的。德王建立“大蒙古国”的目标并没有实现。蒙疆政权可以说是一个带有蒙古族色彩,掺杂有国内民族问题,而为日本军部所掌控的亲日地方政权。 相似文献
17.
21世纪初日本将针对残障学生的“特殊教育”转向“特别支援教育”,2007年特别支援教育正式实施,目前以“支援体系”的构筑为中心的体制整备正在不断深化。文章分别从特别支援教育的理念构成、支援体制、实践内容与方法这三方面着手,批判性地探讨其发展过程中所面临的困境。 相似文献
18.
日本发动全面侵华战争后，海外华侨为了抗日救国，在侨居地开展了大规模的不买不卖不用日货和不为日本人工作、阻止军用物资运日的抵制运动，在经济上有力打击了日本侵略者，削弱了日本军用物资的供应，配合了祖国抗战。海外华侨的抵制运动是中华民族抗击日本帝国主义侵略斗争的重要组成部分。 相似文献
19.
徐一鸣 《安徽广播电视大学学报》2013,(4):120-124
鸦片战争后中国不可避免地进入国际社会,此后中国在相当长的一段时间里都不能以平等的地位出现在国际社会中.“九·一八”事件后,中国人民开始了艰苦的抗日战争.战争初期,国际社会对中国抗日战争采取漠视态度,中国处于孤立抗日的境地.随着国际形势的不断变化,中国的抗战极大地推动了世界反法西斯战争,以美国为首的国际社会对中国的态度逐渐改变.太平洋战争爆发后,为了战时和战后的需要,美国将提高中国国际地位作为自己的一项亚洲政策,不断地推动中国国际地位的提高. 相似文献
20.
20世纪二三十年代,军阀阎锡山在山西进行了一系列的改革,影响最为深远的是"村治"改革运动。这一改革不仅是一次政治改革运动,也是一次面对全体社会成员的教育运动。混乱的社会秩序激发起阎锡山的济国之情,他将中国式哲学思想与日本"村町制度"相结合,辅之以先进人物的帮助,推进"村治"改革,实施社会教育。其"村治"改革中的社会教育围绕"开民智"与维护政治统治展开,采取操纵与说服相结合的方法,并采用类型多样的机构作为实施媒介,整肃了山西风气,为"村治"改革提供了相对文明开化的社会环境。其建立在中国传统文化思想基础上的宏大社会教育观及有效的方法,对缓解中国当下社会教育中存在的问题也颇有借鉴意义。 相似文献