首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
This study examines the higher education experience among Palestinian Arab females in two national spaces and seeks to determine whether studying at an Arab institution of higher learning in a nearby Arab country can alleviate the emotional and economic difficulties that affect Palestinian women at Israeli universities. What can institutions of higher learning in Israel learn or derive from the proposed model to relieve the alienation and exclusion that their female Palestinian students experience? The study will compare two geographically distinct groups of women students. The first is a group of Palestinian women who attend university in Jordan, while the second consists of Palestinian women of Bedouin origin from southern Israel who study in the Jewish Israeli cultural space. The study seeks to shed light on the experience of Muslim students in Western and Muslim universities.  相似文献   

2.
Although the school constitutes a key cultural arena for the production and reproduction of gender identities, few studies have addressed gender discourse in educational institutions in developing societies. Such studies are especially sparse in Arab society in Israel. This study goes some way to addressing what is often absent from many sociological portrayals of young pupils and schools, since it uses the words of the teachers and students to clarify the construction of gender discourse in an Arab high school in Israel. It points to activities considered to be gendered; identifying distinctions between the sexes (if they exist) in the staff’s and students’ perceptions of educational experiences at school; and examining to what extent school authority is seen as masculine and whether the school promotes debate and socialization for equality between the sexes. The research employed an inductive methodology including ethnographic data-collection techniques: observations, focus group interviews of students and in-depth personal interviews with school role-holders. Findings indicate that a covert learning program influences gender construction in the Arab school, a program intended to maintain the existing hegemonic social hierarchy. Patriarchal control of the adolescents’ agenda appears weakened and a generation gap separates teachers from students. Voices of students and younger staff advocate deconstruction of the traditional structure and norms of Arab society, suggesting a new agenda, promoting egalitarian discourse, and new personal and collective identities. Conclusions are drawn concerning the school’s role in the deconstruction of the existing male hegemony, the promotion of gender equity. The paper provides ethnographic insights concerning the Arab high school in Israel, pointing up a need for empathetic educator-student dialogue, that will promote egalitarian perceptions and practices, listen to the voice of the younger generation and challenge residual social norms of Arab Muslim society. The findings indicate that a more open gender discourse could offer symbolic resources and/or practical tools to enhance the every-day implementation of equity in the school. The paper also suggests some new research directions.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

Global citizenship education (GCE) has recently been promoted by national education systems and supranational organisations as a means for facilitating social cohesion and peace education. We examined the perceptions of GCE held by teachers from the three main education sectors in Israel: secular-Jewish, religious-Jewish, and Palestinian Arab, and found stark differences in the way teachers from each sector interpreted the term. For marginalised groups (Palestinian Arab), GCE is seen as offering a way of securing a sense of belonging to a global society. For already well-resourced social groups (Jewish secular), GCE is viewed as a way of promoting global futures. Meanwhile, for the Jewish religious minority in Israel, GCE is seen as a threat to national identity and religious values. Our findings cast doubt on the unifying potential of GCE, and we conclude by calling upon scholars and policymakers to examine unique obstacles facing GCE in their various contexts.  相似文献   

4.
This paper discusses the decision of Muslim female principals in Israel to don the hijab following their appointment to school principalship. This research employed narrative life-story interviews to understand the women's decision to alter their appearance and how this transition is connected to their role as female school principals in the indigenous Muslim community in Israel and the reaction they faced both in personal and professional spheres. The principals' narratives elucidate that transition to wearing the hijab was a matter of choice and collective belonging; it empowers them and affected their leadership style, although it also provokes others' resistance and reactions. Findings clarify the social and personal identity of Arab Muslim women school principals in Israel, and point to the need for consideration of traditional cultural contexts, to enrich managerial theory. This understanding also supports the argument that governmental and organizational policies and initiatives should recognize the diversity in Muslim women's backgrounds and the dangers of privileging mainstream women's perspectives.  相似文献   

5.
Role Conflict and the Dilemma of Palestinian Teachers in Israel   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1  
This paper explores the dynamics of conflicting role expectations among Palestinian teachers in Israel while focusing on the ways by which these expectations are generated and shaped by the broader sociopolitical context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its impact on the educational system. Following a brief review of the historical background and the changing role patterns among Palestinian teachers in general, the paper focuses on Palestinian education in Israel and the role of Palestinian teachers within it. The central argument is that the Israeli authorities have been systematically using formal education and the teachers' role in order to repress national identity and awareness among Palestinian students. Data from interviews with Palestinian student activists about the contribution of the formal education to their national identity is used to illustrate the dilemmas and challenges experienced by their teachers.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

This article discusses strategies used by Arab principals and teachers in Israel to cope with dilemmas involved in education for national identity stemming from conflict between two national narratives. While the Israeli Ministry of Education expects the Arab education system to educate students according to the Jewish State’s values, Palestinian Arab society expects its schools to educate its children according to Palestinian Arab national-cultural values. A qualitative research employed a semi-structured interview to elicit views on this issue from 7 principals and 14 teachers in the Arab education system in Israel. The findings indicate a conflictual reality. Interviewees expressed fear, humiliation and affront when required to obey Ministry of Education instructions in contradiction to attitudes prevalent in their society. They therefore developed coping strategies to foster students’ national identity without disrupting the necessary balance; primarily the construction of a covert learning program through manipulations in the official overt learning program. This study contributes to our understanding of minority education in a reality of conflict between the state and its national minority.  相似文献   

7.
This article discusses the almost identical syllabuses of the Christian and Muslim religious education programmes of the Syrian Arab Republic. Content analysis of the students’ textbooks and teachers’ guides (in Arabic) reveals common themes of citizenship education and national unity. Classroom observations in Damascus also highlight how Christian and Muslim teachers have similar ways of teaching religion. Finally, the article describes how each programme aims to unite, in its own way, all the Christians of Syria as well as the Muslims. It becomes evident that the Syrian religious education programmes strike a balance between the religious autonomy of the faith communities and the need for national unity.  相似文献   

8.
This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel’s Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following reason: Israel’s national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles. It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or allow them some form of political autonomy.  相似文献   

9.
A limited number of studies attempted to account for regional and community‐level variables in exploring the mediating mechanisms conditioning the structure of educational opportunities. As a result, contextual dynamics of social stratification remain largely obscure. The aim of the present paper is to examine the relative effects of regional, locality (community level) and high school variables on access opportunities of Palestinian Arab high school pupils in Israel to educational credentials. The analysis is based on the aggregate data of 46 Arab localities. Findings reveal that while high school tracking patterns are affected by high school variables at community level (such as average allocation of teaching‐time per class and gender enrolment ratios), access to educational credentials (high school matriculation certificates) is determined by community‐level SES and the locality's geographic location (region). The implications of these findings for the broader study of issues related to equality in educational opportunities are discussed.

  相似文献   


10.
Education for multiculturalism, founded on liberal-democratic values, is a frequent topic of educational discourse that has not been ignored by Muslim Arab schools in Israel. In general, Arab society is undergoing change processes, in transition from a traditional to a modern society; traditional values are challenged, engendering social crises. This paper discusses whether the multicultural approach can be successfully imparted in a society with preexisting structured values. It focuses on the school’s role as a socialization agent that needs to adapt itself to a changing sociocultural reality, discussing the school’s involvement in creating a value crisis, since it transmits the Islamic perception of the principles, foundations, and goals of education for multiculturalism. It is concluded that education for multiculturalism in Arab schools lacks internal logic, conflicts with and even undermines the Arab society’s sociocultural values system, is inappropriate as a means to supervise the necessary change processes, and thus contributes to a values crisis.  相似文献   

11.
This paper underlines three foundations upon which the current condition of the Israeli education system is predicated. These are: (a) the separation between Palestinians and Jews in the Israeli education system and isolating both from any significant contact; (b) endorsing a strong ethno-religious ethos and narratives that widen the chasm between the Jewish ‘us’ and the Palestinian ‘them’; and (c) shaping education for the Palestinians in Israel as a highly standardized and de-contextualized endeavor that excludes ideology and politics, which are seen as irrelevant to good professionalism, while substantiating and thickening the ideological education in the Jewish education system in line with the right political agenda . In doing so, this paper contextualizes these foundations in the recent developments of Israeli politics. Particularly, the paper associates these foundations with the rise of the extreme right politics in Israel, arguing that these, taken together, serve the state’s efforts to continue preserving its excluding ethnocentric political regime and controlling the Arab Palestinian education in Israel under conditions of subordination and inequality.  相似文献   

12.
《比较教育学》2012,48(1):119-133
This paper examines the ways in which ‘Palestine’ and ‘Palestinianess’ are culturally, socially and symbolically produced and regulated through formal and non-formal institutional sites in Palestinian camps in south Lebanon. It argues that although institutional power, processes and outcomes help to construct shared notions of ‘Palestinianess’, they also produce contestations and internal ‘others’. Moreover, since Palestinian youth identities are produced inter-textually across multiple civil society institutions, the artificial divide between the school and the community is challenged, the school is decentred as the primary learning site for the construction of youth identities, and notions of ‘student’ and ‘teacher’ are destabilised. This has important implications for how citizenship education is theorised and practised in the contexts of transience, political instability and conflict.  相似文献   

13.
Maltreatment of primary school students by educational staff in Israel   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
OBJECTIVES: This paper reports on the prevalence of emotional and physical maltreatment of students in primary schools by school staff in Israel. Victimization by staff was analyzed according to students' gender, age group (4th, 5th, and 6th grade), cultural group (Jewish-non-religious, Jewish-religious, and Arab schools), school characteristics (school size and class size), and by socio-economic status of the students' families. METHOD: Data were obtained from a nationally representative sample of 5472 students in Grades 4-6 in 71 schools across Israel. The students completed questionnaires during class, which included a scale for reporting physical and psychological maltreatment by staff. Data on the socio-economic status of the families of the students in each school were also obtained. RESULTS: Students reported generally high rates of maltreatment by staff members. Almost a third reported being emotionally maltreated by a staff member, and more than a fifth (22.2%) reported being a victim of at least one type of physical maltreatment. The most vulnerable groups for maltreatment were males, students in Arab schools, and students in schools with a high percentage of students from low-income and low-education families.CONCLUSIONS: These high rates of primary school students' victimization by staff are unacceptable. We recommend educational campaigns among teachers, as well as allocating more resources to support staff in low socio-economic neighborhoods.  相似文献   

14.
In this article we address the issue of why democratic citizenship education should be incorporated more meaningfully into Islamic education discourses in formal institutions in the Arab and Muslim world. In the Arab and Muslim world civic and national education seem to be the dominant discourses. We argue that the latter discourses are inadequate to address some of the dystopias in the Arab and Muslim world such as the perpetuation of patriarchy, uncritical obedience to the state (often dictatorships), and blind patriotism. Consequently we posit that unless a culture of acceptance and hospitality (i.e. cosmopolitanism) is cultivated at Islamic educational institutions the possibility of democratic citizenship education unfolding is quite remote. That is, the future of Islamic education can only be re‐envisioned if an amended version of democratic citizenship education can inform Islamic education discourses in institutions—one constituted by a culture of acceptance and hospitality.  相似文献   

15.
This multiple case study examines the attitudes of 14 Islamic education teachers from Israel towards the meaning, causes and consequences of religious extremism among students in their Arab and Muslim-majority middle and high schools. These teachers define religious extremism as belief in absolute religious truth, inflexibility in religious interpretation, or strict adherence to Islamic teachings. In addition, the teachers distinguish the personal (adolescence, family problems and psychosocial needs), religious (unquestioned following of extremist imams or religion scholars; adopting of selective, literal and decontextualised readings of the religious text; influence of partisan teachers) and socio-political factors (students' feelings of fear and anger towards Israel and its unjust and oppressive role in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict) that push students towards religious extremism. Religious extremism, the teachers conclude, may lead to hatred or violence against followers of other religions, antagonism between Muslims and Jews in Israel, increased Islamophobia in Western societies, the rejection of Islam, the oppression of female students and reduced student achievement and diminished future prospects.  相似文献   

16.
17.
Apart from the widescale media attention that Arabs and Muslims have received in the United States and abroad since 9/11, these two target populations have been largely unexamined at both the two-year and four-year college levels. This study represents a pioneering effort in investigating whether the post-9/11 backlash against Arabs and Muslims has penetrated community college campuses, focusing upon the inter-relationships among the level of perceived discrimination, the degree of diversity of Arab and Muslim students' campus friendships, and their sense of belonging to the college. Two conflict theories are advanced to explain why perceived discrimination might promote ethnic and religious clustering among Arab and Muslim community college students.

The study employs a mixed methods design consisting of a 92-item survey and three focus groups. The survey sample consists of 753 Arab Christian, Arab Muslim, and non-Arab Muslim students from 21 community colleges in Southern California and Southeast Michigan. The primary finding was that there was a modest but positive relationship between the level of perceived discrimination and the percentage of campus friends who are of the same ethnicity but different religion. Student focus groups furnished insight into some students' reluctance to report discrimination in surveys. The implications of the study are to develop sensitive measures of the campus climate that draw out more subtle forms of discrimination. Also desirable would be to expand upon the existing research on the denial or minimization of personal discrimination.  相似文献   

18.
Research comparing special education for Jews and for Palestinian Arabs in Israel outlines major inequalities. This situation has remained largely unchanged for decades and there is little evidential reason to believe there will be improvement in the near future. Palestinian children requiring special education are adversely affected by a combination of institutionalised discrimination and neglect and the implications of living in a traditional society that is reluctant to adopt outlooks necessary for modernising education, particularly for children with special needs. To the best of our knowledge, no overview of special education for the Palestinian minority in Israel has been published in English to date. While change is most likely to occur as a result of effective activism within the Palestinian Arab community, high rates of poverty and political marginalisation remain a daunting obstacle.  相似文献   

19.
ObjectivesThe current study presents the prevalence of students’ reports of physical and emotional maltreatment by school staff and examines the differences between these reports according to the students’ category of involvement in school bullying (only bullies, only victims, bully-victims, and neither bullies nor victims).MethodThis study is based on a large, nationally representative sample of 16,604 students in grades 7–11 in 324 schools across Israel, who completed questionnaires during class. Using Multivariate Analyses of Variance (MANOVA), the study explores the differences between bully-victim group memberships on their reports of staff maltreatment. It also examines the interaction of students’ gender, nation (Jewish vs. Arab students) and school level (junior high vs. high school student) with physical and emotional maltreatment.ResultsSignificant MANOVA results were found for gender (boys more than girls), nation (Arabs more than Jews) and bully-victim group membership for both emotional and physical maltreatment. Post hoc follow-up analyses revealed that bully-victims reported significantly more staff maltreatment than other students, followed by bullies and victims. Students who were not involved in bullying reported the lowest levels of staff maltreatment. In addition, the interaction analysis revealed that differences in bully-victim subgroup membership vary by gender, nations and school level in both physical and emotional maltreatment.ConclusionThe findings showed that levels of staff maltreatment toward students vary according to the category of students’ involvement in bullying, with bully-victims boys being at the highest risk. These findings mirror past research suggesting that bully-victims present multiple challenges for school staff and they are in need for special attention.Practice implicationThe findings emphasize the need to invest more efforts in helping bully-victims that were found at highest risk for staff maltreatment in both Jewish and Arab schools. Furthermore, it is essential to support teachers to help them cope effectively with difficult situations without resorting to aggression. To achieve this goal, training opportunities for teachers in Israel and other countries need to be expanded. This intervention should be designed and implemented from a “whole school” approach that includes students, school staff, and parents.  相似文献   

20.
Muslim learners in English schools: a challenge for school leaders   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Faith identity is emerging as significant for Muslim students in the post 9/11 scenario, with implications for their education and wider social cohesion. This poses challenges to school leaders, raising issues not only linked to student achievement and performance, but also with regard to students’ identity constructions and their educational engagement. The paper draws on data collected from a small number of teachers and Muslim students from two secondary schools in England, looking at how Muslim students experience their identity in the school context and with what implications for their educational engagement. It also discusses the challenges for educational leaders/teachers in managing ‘Muslimness’ on educational sites. The data indicate that the increasing engagement with faith identity can be a response to experiences of discrimination, marginalisation and negative media. The paper highlights the need for communication and understanding across differences, underpinned by an equally pressing need for the recognition of religious and cultural diversity.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号