共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Shirley S. Ho Andrew R. Binder Amy B. Becker Patricia Moy Dietram A. Scheufele Dominique Brossard 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):343-374
Despite a large body of literature documenting factors influencing general political participation, research has lagged in understanding what motivates participation regarding specific issues. Our research fills this gap by examining the interplay of perceptions of media bias, trust in government, and political efficacy on individuals' levels of general and issue-specific political participation. Using survey data with indicators related to general political participation, our results demonstrate that perceptions of media bias overall are negatively related to general political participation. Moreover, this relationship is an indirect one, mediated by trust in government and political efficacy. Using survey data with indicators of issue-specific political participation in the context of stem cell research, our results show that—contrary to the relationship found for general political participation—perceptions of media bias are directly and positively associated with issue-specific participation. Implications for political participation and media bias theories are discussed. 相似文献
2.
Viewing a hostile media bias against one’s group (e.g., political party) is a perceptual effect of media use. When it comes to the portrayal of political parties in the United States, prior research suggests that both Democrats and Republicans see mainstream media coverage as favoring the other side, regardless of the orientation of the political news coverage. Although prior research has not identified all factors that make this perceptual bias more likely, or at explaining how or why this perceptual effect occurs, we do know that it is related to one’s group identity. In this study, we examined salient predictors of hostile media bias during the 2012 presidential campaign. Individual (i.e., political cynicism) and group identity related (i.e., group status, intergroup bias, political ideology) differences of media users predicted such perceptions. But, the medium selected for political information about the campaign also mattered. The use of two media in particular—TV and social networking sites—appear to have blunted hostile media bias perceptions, whereas the use of two other media—radio and video sharing sites—appear to have accentuated perceptions that the media were biased against one’s party 相似文献
3.
This article examines hostile media perceptions (HMPs) by building on recent trends in hostile media research. Our study considers the effects of people’s cognitive as well as their affective involvement on HMPs. As the media landscape has changed fundamentally since HMPs were initially identified, the role of social media is explored more profoundly. In addition, this article not only examines the direct effects of involvement and communication activities but tests for indirect effects of involvement mediated through media use and interpersonal discussions. Using data simultaneously collected from two online surveys conducted in Germany and the German-speaking part of Switzerland, the findings strengthen previous evidence that affective involvement is a stronger predictor of HMPs than cognitive involvement. In contrast, media use and interpersonal discussions had only marginal direct effects. The study provides initial evidence for the indirect effects of involvement mediated through exposure to online user comments and interpersonal discussions. 相似文献
4.
Jennifer Brundidge R. Kelly Garrett Hernando Rojas Homero Gil de Zúñiga 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(4):464-486
Observations of the contemporary news media environment often revolve around the topics of ideological polarization and blurred boundaries between mass and interpersonal communication. This study explores these topics through a focus on the association between ideologically oriented online news use, commenting on online news, and political participation. We hypothesize that both ideological online news use generally and proattitudinal online news use are positively related to political participation and that online news commenting creates “differential gains” by augmenting these relationships. Yet we also hypothesize that counterattitudinal online news use is negatively related to political participation and that online news commenting creates “differential losses” by exacerbating this relationship. Analyses of two independently collected and nationally representative surveys found that frequent ideological online news use, proattitudinal online news use, and commenting are all positively related to political participation. We found no evidence for differential gains as a result of online commenting but only for differential losses—counterattitudinal online news use interacts with commenting to create a negative relationship with political participation. 相似文献
5.
Partisans are poor judges of news content, rating neutral content as biased against their views (the hostile media perception) and forgiving biased content when it favors their side. This study tests whether a short news media literacy public service announcement (PSA) appearing before political programming can influence credibility and hostility ratings of the program and program host. Our findings suggest that a media literacy PSA can be effective, but its impact depends on the position of the news program and on the political ideology of the viewers. In this case, the media literacy PSA only influenced conservatives’ evaluations of the political program, improving perceptions of a neutral or congruent (conservative) host while further depressing ratings of an incongruent (liberal) host. Liberals’ evaluations of the program were unaffected by the PSA. Implications for media literacy messaging and information processing are discussed. 相似文献
6.
Jih-Hsuan Lin 《亚洲交流杂志》2016,26(3):278-297
This study collected data before and after the 2012 Taiwanese presidential election to examine active and passive Facebook (FB) participation on subsequent attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. Based on the differential gains model, the results showed that active engagement in FB political activities before the election directly affected offline political participation after the election. However, this direct effect occurred for first-time voters (20–24 years old) but not for the 25 and older generation. Passive exposure to politically related FB activities before the election indirectly affected offline political participation after the election and voting behavior through perceptions of FB use on political engagement. These indirect effects occurred in both first-time voters and in the rest of the voters. The results extend the differential gains model to social network sites (SNSs) and suggest that FB participation is another form of political participation among the younger generation that may serve as a gateway to motivate first-time voters to become more engaged in political participation. In addition to active discussion, passive exposure to politically related activities within FB networks indirectly contributes to voting and offline participation, expanding the current differential gains model. 相似文献
7.
Yonghwan Kim 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2017,61(4):658-681
Using cross-sectional data from the 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey, this study tests 2 models that explicate the relationship between politically likeminded media use and political polarization and participation. The knowledge model suggests that the effects of exposure to likeminded media on individuals’ attitudinal polarization and political participation are mediated by knowledge of candidate issue stances. The belief model proposes that likeminded media use indirectly influences political polarization and participation via political beliefs. The results provide evidence that individuals’ beliefs mediate the influence of likeminded media consumption on attitudinal polarization and participation, but there was no support for the knowledge model. These findings indicate that individuals who consume politically likeminded news tend to develop polarized attitudes and are motivated to participate in political activities by forming biased beliefs associated with candidates rather than by gaining factual issue knowledge. 相似文献
8.
Sangwon Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2019,29(2):111-127
This study sheds light on the recent use of social media for protests, with the 2016 South Korean candle light vigils as the case study. An extensive amount of literature has explored social media’s potential for informing and mobilizing the public to engage in protest activities. Previous research has mainly focused on the direct effect of social media on protest engagement. Moving beyond the direct effect, this paper sought a better understanding of social media’s role in the democratic process by examining how social media affects political knowledge and protest participation, depending on an individual’s political interest level. To test these relationships, this study used survey data collected in South Korea during the mass candlelight vigils in South Korea in 2016 (N?=?922). Findings suggest that the knowledge gap narrowed amongst those with high social media use, mainly due to a greater knowledge drop for those with high political interest. On the other hand, when it comes to participation, the participation gap widened amongst those with high social media use, largely due to a greater increase in participation for those with high political interest. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
9.
社交媒体在全球社会运动与政治变革中发挥的作用已引起高度关注,不过其具体的影响机制仍不明确且充满争议。本文利用TCS2015年的数据,使用Logistic回归模型对社交媒体接触(自变量)与线上、线下社会运动参与(因变量)之间的关系进行实证分析,并引入"政治自我概念"中的一系列心理变量(政治知识、政治兴趣、内在政治效能感、外在政治效能感)对个体性差异进行检验。研究发现,社交媒体展现出显著的、不可被抵消的动员效应。政治知识不会单独对社会运动参与程度产生影响,但可以与社交媒体产生交互效应,放大其对运动参与的正向效应。内在政治效能感既会对社会运动参与产生正向影响,又能强化社交媒体的动员效应。线上、线下两种运动模式的作用机制大致类似,但存在微妙的差异。上述结果部分支持了研究假设,反映出社会运动往往是个体心理与新媒介工具共同作用的结果。这些结论放置于台湾社会的现实政治语境中,可以带来思考与启发。 相似文献
10.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101486
This paper empirically investigates the association of quality information provided by a government agency on social media and citizen’s online political participation. It further answers the why and how questions regarding the existence of this relationship by examining the mediating influence of transparency, trust, and responsiveness. The data was collected from 388 followers of the social media platforms of a government agency i.e. Punjab Food Authority and the findings of the analysis were obtained using structural equation modeling technique. The results reveal that the agency’s provision of quality information on social media was significantly related to perceived transparency, trust in agency, perceived responsiveness, and citizens’ online political participation. Moreover, the results show that perceived transparency mediates the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ trust in agency. Additionally, trust in agency was an insignificant predictor and perceived responsiveness was a negative predictor of citizens online political participation, Also, trust in agency and perceived responsiveness suppressed the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ online political participation. This study aims to bring awareness and contribution to the body of knowledge about the governmental use of social media and its resulting benefits since in developing countries like Pakistan the research in this area is sparse. Further, it provides strategic and practical suggestions to agencies regarding advantages of utilizing social media in their communication with citizens. 相似文献
11.
ABSTRACTThe free press performs essential democratic functions, but widespread negative attitudes toward the press threaten its legitimacy and effectiveness as a check on formal institutions. In order to combat these attitudes, media organizations must understand who holds them and why. A survey-based study of U.S. adults (N?=?2052) focuses on associations between perceptions of the news media industry as a threat to political performance and a range of politically oriented behaviors (i.e. news media exposure, political talk, political participation). Analyses reveal a series of non-monotonic relationships. Group differences between those who hold the most extreme views concerning news-media-as-threat are also explored. The opposing groups are distinct in some important ways (e.g. ideology, race), but are also found to be surprisingly similar (e.g. income, education, gender, news media exposure). The results suggest new strategies for maintaining and restoring confidence in media organizations. 相似文献
12.
Rachel L. Neo 《Communication Studies》2019,70(2):151-171
Research has shown that social media conversations with like-minded and politically dissimilar others are an important part of the political process. Yet more needs to be done to clarify the roles that these two types of social media-based conversations play in the political process. A stratified quota online survey was used to determine whether politically like-minded and dissimilar conversations mediate or moderate the relationship between social media-based political information consumption and political participation. Findings show support for the mediating, but not moderating role of politically based social media conversations. Social media political information consumption has a positive indirect relationship with political participation via both politically like-minded and dissimilar conversations. Contrary to previous research showing that politically dissimilar conversations impede political participation, results suggest that such conversations actually increase political participation. Implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
13.
This study investigates how social factors affect Taiwanese Internet users’ dual screening use and its impact on online and offline political participation. The Web survey recruits 961 dual screen users. Structural equation modeling results show that bridging social capital and perceived social presence are significantly associated with dual screening use. Dual screening is positively related to online and offline political participation. Dual screening use strongly influences offline political participation when mediated by online political participation. Moreover, alternative media trust is positively related to online political participation, whereas mainstream media trust shows a negative association. 相似文献
14.
Chang Sup Park 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2015,59(4):698-716
This study assesses differences in use of social networking sites (SNSs) and relates them to different patterns of political participation, media use motivations, and political efficacy. Based on a Web survey of 1,230 South Korean voters, it finds that informational uses of SNSs are positively associated with expressive participation both online and offline, but not with collective participation. The use of SNSs for social interaction purposes was associated only with online expressive participation. Recreational uses had a negative or insignificant relationship with expressive and collective participation. Political efficacy moderated the impact of social interaction uses of SNSs on expressive participation both online and offline. The findings suggest that the political impact of SNSs is mostly limited to expressive participation and dependent upon users' motivations. 相似文献
15.
In the context of Colombia, a society with high levels of polarization, this study finds that the projection of individual ideological leanings onto others diminishes with ideological extremity. The findings also show that communication diversity, understood as heterogeneous discussion networks and exposure to ideologically dissimilar news media, is negatively related to projecting one's leanings on public opinion at large. This study further suggests that expressive Internet uses do not predict projection, and that informational uses are associated with reduced projection. Moreover, dissimilar media exposure moderates the relationship between extremism and projection by further reducing projection among ideologically extreme respondents. Discussion heterogeneity does not exert a similar moderating effect. Implications for future research are discussed. 相似文献
16.
Mark Boukes Hajo G. Boomgaarden Marjolein Moorman Claes H. De Vreese 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(3):354-378
Opinionated news targets communities of likeminded viewers, relies on dramaturgical storytelling techniques, and shares characteristics with political satire. Accordingly, opinionated news should be understood as a specific form of political entertainment. We have investigated the mechanisms underlying the effects of opinionated news on political attitudes using an experimental design that employed manipulated television news items. Findings confirm that opinionated news positively affects policy attitudes via its presumed influence on others and subsequent perceptions of the opinion climate. However, opinionated news also negatively affects attitudes via hostile media perceptions and evoked anger, especially for people with incongruent political preferences. Due to these opposing processes, we found no total effect of opinionated news on policy attitudes. Conditions are discussed under which either the positive or the negative indirect effect is likely to dominate. 相似文献
17.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed. 相似文献
18.
Lindita Camaj 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):634-654
This study expands the consequences of agenda-setting theory beyond political attitudes, arguing its significance as a mediator between media use and political participation. The results suggest that citizens learn from the media about the efficacy and integrity of political institutions, and their performance on key issues. Consequently, the information acquired through news media becomes an important factor for trust formation and participation in different forms of political actions, which are not limited to electoral activities. The implications of these results for democracy building are discussed. 相似文献
19.
Hyunjung Kim 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):303-324
This study explores how the perceived effect and bias of reported election poll results are associated with voters' attitudes toward restrictions on polling reports and their political participation intention through emotions. A telephone survey using a representative sample of South Korean voters (N = 597) was conducted prior to the 2012 South Korean presidential election. Results indicate that the third-person perception of reported election poll results was indirectly linked to support for restrictions on polling reports through anxiety. For supporters of Mr. Jae In Moon, the nominee of the liberal Democratic United Party, who was reported to be behind in the polls, the hostile media perception was indirectly associated with support for restrictions through anxiety and directly associated with political participation intention. Implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
20.
This study explicates the indirect process through which news media use influences political participation. Specifically, it investigates the role of political knowledge and efficacy as mediators between communication and online/offline political participation within the framework of an O-S-R-O-R (Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response) model of communication effects. Results from structural equation modeling analysis support the idea that political knowledge and efficacy function as significant mediators. In addition, results expound the increasing importance of the Internet in facilitating political participation. Implications of findings, limitations of this study, and suggestions for future research are discussed. 相似文献