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1.
This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to 118 political advertisements (television spots, newspaper ads, direct mail, and WWW pages) from 1998. Acclaims (self‐praise; positive statements) were the most common function (84%), followed by attacks (criticism, negative statements; 15%). Defenses (refutation of attacks) were relatively infrequent (1%). There were some differences by medium (WWW pages had the most acclaims, while television spots had the most attacks; no defenses occurred on WWW pages or in direct mail) but these functions are consistent both across media and with prior research on presidential campaign advertising. Incumbents produced more acclaims than challengers, who attacked more than incumbents. Finally, policy utterances were more common than character utterances in all media but www pages. The overall consistency in Junctions and topics across media and across levels of campaigns (presidential and non‐presidential) strongly suggests the existence of important situational influences on political campaign advertising. These findings can be useful for practitioners, theorists, and critics of campaign discourse.  相似文献   

2.
This study examined whether the candidate-controlled public relations tools of political ads and candidate blogs were successful in influencing the issue and news agenda of the major television news networks during the 2004 presidential election. Data showed strong correlations between blogs and the media agenda. Advertisements did not correlate with the media agenda. Cross-lag analyses showed that the media set the candidates' agenda. The authors suggest intermedia agenda setting occurred as the media transferred their agenda to campaign blogs.  相似文献   

3.
Viewing a hostile media bias against one’s group (e.g., political party) is a perceptual effect of media use. When it comes to the portrayal of political parties in the United States, prior research suggests that both Democrats and Republicans see mainstream media coverage as favoring the other side, regardless of the orientation of the political news coverage. Although prior research has not identified all factors that make this perceptual bias more likely, or at explaining how or why this perceptual effect occurs, we do know that it is related to one’s group identity. In this study, we examined salient predictors of hostile media bias during the 2012 presidential campaign. Individual (i.e., political cynicism) and group identity related (i.e., group status, intergroup bias, political ideology) differences of media users predicted such perceptions. But, the medium selected for political information about the campaign also mattered. The use of two media in particular—TV and social networking sites—appear to have blunted hostile media bias perceptions, whereas the use of two other media—radio and video sharing sites—appear to have accentuated perceptions that the media were biased against one’s party  相似文献   

4.
Based on a statewide telephone survey before the 2004 presidential election, this study probes Ohioans' attention to and perception of campaign advertising and the perceived effects of those negative political ads. Citizens in this “battleground” state had a very high level of awareness of campaign advertising, characterizing it as more negative than in the past. Self-reported attention to the campaign and measured use of local and national television news were related to perceived campaign negativity. Evidence of a third-person effect regarding a specific type of negative advertising was found. However, the effect was moderated by candidate choice.  相似文献   

5.
This study examines the relationship between Singaporean college students'attitude toward Americans and their exposure to U.S. exported entertainment media.

The 328 Singaporean college student participants expressed relatively neutral attitudes toward Americans and reported high consumption of U.S. entertainment media (movies, television shows, magazines, music). Exposure to American media was found to correlate positively with student attitudes toward Americans.

In contrast to some media critics' contention that exposure to U.S. media fosters negative attitudes among citizens of other countries, this study suggests that U.S. entertainment may influence attitude toward Americans in a positive direction.  相似文献   

6.
The increasing consolidation of radio and television stations in the United States as a result of changing regulatory policies is having a direct impact on the role of the media manager. This article reviews the regulatory changes that have taken place regarding media ownership, and how it brought about changes in management practices. A summary of 2 research studies undertaken to examine the impact of regulatory changes on media management of radio and television stations is presented. Managers of radio clusters (at least 3 stations) and television duopolies were surveyed to ascertain how consolidation was affecting the way stations are managed. The data and findings in this article are discussed in terms of broader implications for media management outside the United States in an era of increasing globalization.  相似文献   

7.
This study compares the radio industry's use of interactivity to that of other traditional media on the Web such as newspapers and television stations, along the dimensions of audience-oriented interactivity and source-oriented interactivity. A content analysis of 112 traditional radio station Web sites, 282 traditional newspaper Web sites, and 128 traditional television station Web sites found that traditional radio station Web sites provided more audience-oriented interactivity compared to other traditional media Web sites, and traditional newspaper Web sites offered the most source-oriented interactivity. A general conclusion of this study is that although traditional radio stations were more likely to transmit live and archived sound than other media, all traditional media Web sites have held back from developing interactivity beyond e-mail, and have limited the transmission of streaming media, as well as archived audio and video content.  相似文献   

8.
This essay uses the emergence of the caveman mythos, both in a Geico advertising campaign and an ABC television series, to show how a seemingly fanciful text can offer an explicit set of instructions to an audience beyond their critical awareness. Drawing on the work of Kenneth Burke and Barry Brummett, I use the homological connection between black stereotypes in the television series and gay stereotypes in the Geico ads to uncover a new process of hegemonic Othering based on trivializing the feelings of the Other by making their grievances appear ridiculous. I close by discussing the implications of this process when it is put to use on the actual Others that invariably fill our social worlds.  相似文献   

9.
This study examines how people perceive the influence of political talk radio in Hong Kong. Theoretically, the study focuses on the influence of message-attitude congruence, that is, the situation in which a person's opinions or attitudes are consistent with the viewpoints promulgated by media messages, on the third-person perception. It is argued that message-attitude congruence provides a situation in which people may attribute their attitudes partly to media influence. Hence message-attitude congruence is expected to relate to increased levels of perceived media influence on self, and thereby weaken the size of the third-person differential. Moreover, it is hypothesized that attribution of media influence should be more likely when people perceive the media influence as desirable and when there is the absence of alternative sources of influence. These arguments were tested with a telephone survey (N = 800) in Hong Kong, where political talk radio has been a prominent medium in the past decade. The results support the theoretical arguments and contribute to our understanding of the significance of the medium in the city. The broader theoretical implications of the findings are also discussed.  相似文献   

10.
This study used a survey design (N = 168) to examine how parent and child demographics, parental media-use motives, parental subjective norms, and parental attitudes toward preschool media use (PMU) are all related to actual media exposure among children 6 months to 5 years in age. Results indicate that, in accordance with the theory of reasoned action, parents’ perceived subjective norms regarding various categories of media were significantly related to actual child consumption. Further, positive attitudes toward media were significantly related to higher rates of child consumption. Interestingly, parental worries about media were only negatively related to television consumption and unrelated to child exposure to other kinds of media.  相似文献   

11.
To achieve “deliberative democracy,” Gabriel Tarde's formula not only demands the press hold a nation together, but also offers an agenda of issues that serves as a kind of menu for discussions in cafés and salons, which leads, in turn, to more considered opinions, and thus provides the consensual valuations that inform political, economic and aesthetic actions. The elements of the formula consist of press, conversation, opinion, and action. I argue that the long-run effect of the mainstream media—the newspaper, but even more the radio and television— moved politics off the street and into the home, hence the concern over “the narcotizing dysfunction” of the news media. In the era of the Internet, I argue that media—old or new, mass or social—are far from being the whole of the story. It is some combination of these media, plus word of mouth, plus some rather well-known elements of social-movement theory, plus the social psychology of collective behavior that help to explain. But let us not lose sight of the different functions served by the different media. If the mass media—newspapers, radio, and television—may be said to have moved people “inside,” the social media, so called, serve to mobilize, and may bring them “outside,” again.  相似文献   

12.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):186-201
This study examined the reliability and stability of newspaper and television public affairs exposure; the relationship of social structural variables and media exposure, when measurement error is taken into account; and the effect of these social structural variables on change in exposure. A secondary analysis was performed on a two wave national study composed of 7201 respondents. Using a LISREL model, the results indicated that: (1) the indicators of newspaper public affairs exposure were more reliable than the indicators for television public affairs exposure; conversely, the television public affairs construct was more stable than the newspaper construct, although both yielded fairly high stability estimates; (2) various indicators of location in the social structure (age, education, income, perceived social class, and sex) had effects on exposure to newspaper and television public affairs information, and effects on the change in this type of exposure over time. It was concluded that more attention should be directed toward measurement error issues and toward operationally and theoretically defining media exposure.  相似文献   

13.
This eight-nation comparative study adopts a multi-modal analytical approach in investigating education driven stratification in political participation and the simultaneous roles of various media (print newspaper, television, radio, and social media) and press freedom in influencing this inequality. The findings suggest that informational use of social media, print newspaper, and radio increases the likelihood of participation, but consuming television news inhibits participation. Furthermore, social media use, like radio and television use, exacerbates education-generated inequality. Press freedom as a socio-political factor reinforces the role of the television, print newspaper, and social media in participation inequality. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed.  相似文献   

14.
This study used a statewide sample of 400 Alabama residents to analyze the relative credibility of local radio news, as compared to local television and local radio. The results indicated that local radio news has a level of credibility that is lower than that of local television, but is comparable to that of local newspapers. This finding confirms previous studies that have noted that media consumers tend to have a higher regard for television than any other news medium, but this difference was not as dramatic as those reported by studies that have used forced-choice questions. Local television is indeed more credible than local radio news, but not dramatically so.  相似文献   

15.
As long as scholars have studied media, issues of access have been of great concern. Recent advancements in digital technology have framed disparities in access within the digital divide research and knowledge gap frameworks. While early digital divide research looked at access, more recent research has focused on how media are used differently across populations. The current research extends this literature by examining media expectancies across ethnic subgroups for a broad range of media (i.e., local newspapers, national newspapers, network television, cable television, radio, magazines, and Internet). Data indicate expectancies differ among African Americans, Caucasians, and Hispanics.  相似文献   

16.
All of the media were significant contributors to the information of older voters in the 1972 campaign. There was a strong relationship between media usage, political interest level, and when a person decided on a candidate. Roger Wimmer is a Ph.D candidate in radio‐television at Bowling Green State University in Ohio. The author wishes to thank Drs. Ray Tucker and David Clark for their comments.  相似文献   

17.
This study of 601 3rd-6th grade boys and girls examined implicit and explicit attitudes of anti-fat bias along with media exposure variables and appearance anxiety. In this study, predictors of implicit attitudes of bias were measured and then those same implicit measures were tested as possible predictors of more explicit measures of anti-fat bias. Given the uniqueness of the measures with a sample of this age and the self-report measures of media use, the hope was that the results may prove helpful in understanding the complicated factors related to children's attitudes and beliefs about weight bias in order further explain how and why thinness is regarded as such an important social and cultural attribute. Findings suggest that exposure to an image of an overweight child and fear of negative appearance evaluations were the strongest predictors of two measures of explicit anti-fat bias. Furthermore, implicit attitudes representative of fat bias were also evident across the sample. Greater television exposure was related to decreased levels of anti-fat bias and more favorable assessments of overweight subjects viewed in photographs; thus, findings suggest several factors are important in better understanding the correlates related to anti-fat bias in children.  相似文献   

18.
当前,手机已成为继报刊、广播、电视、互联网之后被公众所广泛认知的"第五媒体",即手机媒体。手机媒体内容作为无可置疑的著作权法涵盖客体是手机媒体传播的主要对象,其信息网络传播权因手机媒体传播方式的多样性而受到巨大威胁。手机媒体内容信息网络传播权研究是著作权法学理论应用于手机媒体领域中的一项重要课题。文章以手机媒体内容的作品性为研究基点,探讨其信息网络传播权的内涵与特征,进而界定了常见的侵权行为。  相似文献   

19.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):518-539
Female college students (N=104) in friendship dyads were exposed to radio advertisements promoting the HPV vaccine—narrative or advocacy in format—after which they completed a questionnaire. Half the dyads were instructed to engage in a conversation about the advertisement prior to completing the questionnaire. Analyses showed that interpersonal discussion was related to normative perceptions, attitudes and intentions regarding the vaccine, but only under certain conditions. Conversation partner, conversation valence and positive opinion sharing were related to those outcomes. In a follow-up questionnaire, participants who discussed the ad in the days after exposure reported more positive intention change. Participants with stronger emotional reactions to the ads were more likely to discuss them during this period.  相似文献   

20.
While useful in establishing U.S. public media, the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 is an imperfect instrument for moving public radio to a secure future. Policies governing public broadcasting are insufficient to address the economic, political, social, and technological changes upending media organizations, both commercial and non-commercial. The urgent need is for more flexible structural arrangements as public radio and public television stations merge, partner with non-profit media entities, and seek funding that builds on the strength of the local public radio network as well as responds to the demand for imaginative, on-demand content from national networks.  相似文献   

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