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Civic learning: moving from the apolitical to the socially just 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
This study examines the knowledge and skills that characterize civic learning for young people. Building on a literature review, it reports an exploratory case study with students and teachers in four secondary schools in the Ottawa, Canada region. The perspectives of researchers co‐operating with educators and students against a backdrop of provincial government curricula and secondary literature on youth citizenship engagement provide an enriched understanding of the state and potential of civic learning. It concludes that current civic learning is primarily characterized by procedural knowledge and compliant codes of behaviour that do not envelope students in collective action for systemic understandings of political issues. This study argues for renewed efforts to put social justice at the heart of student learning. To present a convincing civic educational programme, schools should prepare students to analyse power relationships, investigate the ambiguities of political issues, and embrace opportunities for social change. 相似文献
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Jacqueline Witschge Herman G. van de Werfhorst 《School Effectiveness & School Improvement》2016,27(3):367-384
In this paper, the relation between the standardization of civic education and the inequality of civic engagement is examined. Using data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2009 among early adolescents and Eurydice country-level data, three-level analysis and variance function regression are applied to examine whether there is a relation between measures of civic education standardization and inequality in three dimensions of civic engagement: civic knowledge, interest in social and political issues, and participation in the community. Inequality is conceptualized as differences in students’ civic engagement between schools and the association between social origin and civic engagement. The results demonstrate that accountability is associated with more inequality in civic knowledge, whereas centralization is associated with less inequality in non-cognitive civic engagement. 相似文献
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Vivian L. Gadsden Wintre Foxworth Johnson Samiha Rahman 《Peabody Journal of Education》2019,94(1):78-96
The issues associated with students’ civic knowledge, engagement, and participation have been heightened in intellectual debates and public discussions. However, these discussions have not focused heavily on urban youths’ civic identities or the locations of these identities within the youths’ personal narratives of ethnicity, race, class, and gender. This article presents the narratives of four urban high school youths of color, selected from a larger study about youths’ experiences in school and society and the ways in which classroom learning encouraged their inquiry, assessment of their social worlds and personal goals, and emerging personal and civic identities. Our purpose was to gain insights regarding the youths’ sociopolitical perspectives on local educational and social issues affecting them and to understand their multiple literacies in the context of their civic engagement, increasing youth advocacy, and larger political tensions. The theoretical framing of this investigation is grounded in democratic education and sociopolitical consciousness and draws upon research that focuses on civic participation and democratic society. Four dominant themes emerged from the analysis: educational inequality, social media, schooling, and race and mass incarceration. This article contributes to an expansive framing for civic education by examining the civic knowledge of urban youths of color and offers implications for research, practice, and policy. 相似文献
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This study examines the general question of how classroom characteristics are linked with differences among students in civic competence, which is seen to be an important basis for political inequality. A resource-mobilisation account of youth civic competence is presented, and this is tested using hierarchical linear modelling and International Civic and Citizenship Study 2009 data. The determinants of youth civic competence are explored at the individual, family, and classroom levels, where resource and mobilisation factors at each level are examined. Evidence for classroom effects are tested using Campbell’s compensation hypothesis and insights derived from Marsh’s big-fish-little-pond effect (BFLPE). This case study of the Czech Republic shows limited evidence for an open classroom climate reducing civic competence differences between low- and high-SES students, and no evidence of BFLPE increasing such differences among youths. 相似文献
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Catherine Sagan 《Clearing house (Menasha, Wis.)》2013,86(1):44-48
Grounded in the context of the gap in civic participation, action-based civics curricula, and how classroom interactions may affect student development, we present the CIVVICS (Civic Interactions motiVating diVerse Individuals in Classroom Settings) observation tool. CIVVICS's four domains—Lesson Planning and Implementation, Classroom Interactions, Student Engagement, and Civic Empowerment—integrate awareness of classroom organization and student engagement with attention to how a classroom promotes students’ connections to civic goals and engages all students in positive interactions. This tool can be used to inform curricular implementation as well as professional development for interventions that promote democratic classroom climates and youth empowerment. We demonstrate the use of CIVVICS in partnership with Generation Citizen, a youth civic education program. 相似文献
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Csilla Weninger Ee Moi Kho 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2014,35(4):611-624
This article provides a historical overview of civic educational policy and political discourse in Singapore from 1959 to 2011, focusing on changes in the role attributed to students in the education process. A review of educational programmes and analysis of political speeches reveals that an earlier transmissionist approach that focused on value inculcation and factual knowledge has been supplemented recently by policy and discourse emphasizing student engagement. The authors link their analysis to larger political changes that have been taking place in Singapore. They argue that the push for more participatory forms of civics education parallels an ongoing shift in the ruling party's political ideology from economic pragmatism to a communitarian ideology that emphasizes citizens' responsibility. From the point of view of political rationality, promoting active student engagement in civics education can be seen as governmental efforts to build a strong civil society through early socialization into civic responsibility and voluntarism. Viewed as a technology of power, engagement is also seen as a new biopolitical intervention aimed at regulating political participation. 相似文献
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公民教育的实质是政治社会化,社会转型期我国政治社会化的当务之急是进行公民意识的培育。实证研究结果表明:大学生公民意识总体较强,大学是实施公民教育的重要场所,大学公民教育对社会性别、家庭背景等的负面影响具有补偿效应。但我国大学公民教育还存在如下突出问题:大学生民主参与程度普遍较低;大学生政治效能感不高;政治理论课在大学公民教育中未发挥应有的关键作用。 相似文献
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Amy Krings Elizabeth A. Austic Lorraine M. Gutiérrez Kaleigh E. Dirksen 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2015,48(3):403-417
This cross-sectional, repeated measures, quasi-experimental study evaluates changes in college students’ commitment toward, and confidence in, political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism. Our sample (n = 653) consisted of college students in a Midwestern university who participated in one of three social justice education course types (service learning, intergroup dialogue, or lecture-based diversity classes) or in an “introduction to psychology” course (the non-intervention group). After completion of a social justice education course, students reported an increase in political participation and multicultural activism, whereas students enrolled in the non-intervention group reported no changes in these measures. Service learning course participants started and ended their course with the highest reported levels of political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism but did not demonstrate an increase in any of the three outcomes. Intergroup dialogue participants demonstrated increases in all three outcomes, while participants of lecture-based classes focusing on social justice issues demonstrated increases in political participation and multicultural activism, but not civic engagement. Our findings suggest that participation in social justice education courses is associated with increases in political participation and multicultural activism. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTAmplified by a global political climate of fear, oppression, and increased nationalism, this article examines how U.S. secondary students in a digital media elective course used multimodal composition, and video production in particular, as a nexus of ‘participatory politics.’ By partnering theories of multiliterate expression with youth civic engagement, it offers new understandings into how urban youth use digital media production to leverage school-based social action. Refracted through a mediated discourse analysis lens, and with a particular focus on sound as a modal resource for design, findings suggest that youth used media production and semiotic sense-making to simultaneously enliven community action as well as shield students from personal histories of trauma. By engaging in the process of digital media production, as this article suggests, students cultivated new core practices of civic interaction and local engagement by amplifying injustice. 相似文献
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Unique cross-national data on adolescents’ civic skills, knowledge, and political attitudes are used to examine the democratic processes of modern mass schooling, effects of national political systems, and patterns of youth political socialization in 27 nations. Compared to the generally weak reported effects on mathematics and reading achievement, we find robust effects of schooling on youths’ civics knowledge, skills, and attitudes. Secondly, there is empirical support for the importance of a supra-national political culture, beyond that of unique national cultures, in the political socialization of youth. Lastly, there is evidence of an emerging common polity among youth across nations. The results extend notions of the institutional influence of mass public schooling on the political socialization of youth. 相似文献
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Frank Reichert 《Educational Research and Evaluation》2016,22(5-6):305-332
The opinions about what characterises a good citizen are diverse, yet survey research usually employs variable-centred analytical strategies to examine people’s concepts of good citizenship. The present study builds on a person-centred approach towards good citizenship and validates previously identified types of good citizenship among Australian secondary school students. Following an in-depth characterisation of these types by sociodemographic variables and civic attitudes, this study incorporates multinomial regression analysis to take a closer look at very extreme but practically important patterns. These analyses suggest that students need to believe in the value of civic action to become political enthusiasts and not politically alienated. Civic knowledge may prevent political alienation; however, it is not the ultimate solution as it is negatively correlated with political enthusiasm when controlling for multiple predictors. The results are discussed with respect to their significance for civics and citizenship teaching and learning. 相似文献
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Frederick C. Kintzer 《College Teaching》2013,61(4):116-118
In this study, we examine the impact of a curriculum designed to increase first year college student political engagement. We used a staggered implementation design in which eight classes of traditional first year college students in were taught a political engagement curriculum by two instructors. The results confirm the positive impact of the political engagement curriculum above and beyond a rhetoric and composition curriculum for traditional first-year college students on important political indicators such as internal political efficacy and attentiveness and interest in politics. Further, participants exhibited significant post-intervention differences with regard to their comfort level joining political conversations as well as employing important conversational strategies to strengthen democratic dialogue. These results support the use of this curriculum to increase first year college students’ political engagement and underscore the impact that classroom curriculum and instruction can have promoting a deliberative and active citizenry. 相似文献
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Given the importance of developing civically engaged and knowledgeable citizens, many have sought to improve the quality of students’ civic education experiences. This article examines one particular effort spearheaded by the Joe Foss Institute, the Civic Education Initiative (CEI). Since the CEI was announced, 18 states have passed legislation that includes a civics test component embedded in the CEI. This conceptual article examines the CEI against research-based practices for teaching civics. It then introduces the policy design framework as a tool for analyzing civic policies like CEI. This political science theory recognizes that policies themselves send important signals that have implications for students’ civic development. We utilize the policy design framework to analyze CEI and, in particular, how CEI is likely to shape students’ civic and political engagement. We conclude with a proposal for future research on civic education using the policy design framework. 相似文献
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黄宗将 《钦州师范高等专科学校学报》2014,(7):22-26
培育大学生政治素养是促进大学生实现全面发展的内在要求,也是为中国特色社会主义事业培养合格建设者和可靠接班人的需要。当代大学生的政治素养总体较高,但也存在政治态度冷漠、政治认知和政治行为脱节、政治参与世俗化和政治理论基础薄弱等突出问题。加强高校党团的平台建设,创新“两课”的教育教学,拓展通识教育的内容和途径,丰富社会实践的经验,营造清明的校园政治文化是培育和提高大学生政治素养的有效策略。 相似文献
15.
Classroom and School Predictors of Civic Engagement Among Black and Latino Middle School Youth 
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下载免费PDF全文 Robert J. Jagers Fantasy T. Lozada Deborah Rivas‐Drake Casta Guillaume 《Child development》2017,88(4):1125-1138
This study used short‐term longitudinal data to examine the contributions of democratic teaching practices (e.g., the Developmental Designs approach) and equitable school climate to civic engagement attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors among 515 Black and Latino middle school students (47.9% male). Concurrent experiences of democratic homeroom and classroom practices, and equitable school climate were associated with higher scores on each civic engagement component. The relation between classroom practices and civic attitudes was more robust when school climate was seen as more equitable. Longitudinally, homeroom practices and equitable school climate predicted higher civic attitudes 1 year later. Discussion focuses on civic attitudes and future research on school experiences that support civic engagement among youth of color. 相似文献
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吕卫民 《商丘职业技术学院学报》2012,(1):13-14
高中思想政治课与高校思想政治课对提高青年学生的思想道德素质方面发挥着重要作用。实现好二者的衔接,是搞好对青年学生进行思想政治教育的有效手段。实现二者的衔接,应该做好以下几个方面：教育主管部门应该重新审视高校思想政治课的课程设置;高校思想政治课教师与高中思想政治课教师应该互通有无,取长补短;应该改变传统的评价机制,发挥学生的主动性。 相似文献
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《Journal of moral education》2012,41(1):34-50
This study explored gender differences in moral motivations and civic engagement among adolescents to add to existing explanations for the gender gap in political engagement in the US. We examined moral motivations for civic engagement in a sample of 1578 high school seniors, using a mixed-methods analysis of survey and interview data. Multiple regression confirmed that girls were more civically involved and expressed greater future civic intention. However, analysis of motivations suggested that differences in moral motivations might impact ongoing political development, as girls were more likely to take political action out of desire to help, while boys were more often motivated to act on values. Case studies of two interviewees—one male and one female—were analyzed to examine how civic commitment emerges in the interaction of desire to help, to act on civic values and another moral motivation that emerged in the qualitative analysis—to empower others. 相似文献
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Jacqueline Witschge Jesper Rözer Herman G. van de Werfhorst 《British Educational Research Journal》2019,45(2):298-319
In addition to increasing cognitive skills and preparing students for the labour market, one of the core tasks of education is to prepare citizens for participation in democracy. Considering the ideal of democratic equality, it is important to know the degree to which civic outcomes of education are distributed equally. One feature of the education system that can lead to differential civic outcomes is tracking, that is, the sorting of students into different types of education. In this study, we examine the relationship between type of education (general/academic or vocational) and five attitudinal dimensions of civic and political engagement between the ages of 14 and 49 years in the Netherlands. By using panel data from the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (n = 5,312) and applying linear fixed effects models, we can observe the effect of a transition in the type of education on the within-person change in our outcome variables. The findings demonstrate that transitions in the type of education have little effect on intention to vote, trust in institutions or ethnic tolerance. However, students making transitions in general/academic education develop higher levels of interest in politics and generalised trust than do students in vocational education or people outside the education system. This point suggests that general/academic education fosters civic and political participation. 相似文献