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1.
This paper moves from a reading of processes that are transforming public services in ways that amount to a dismantling of the welfare state in the UK. In order to interrogate these processes, the paper focuses on ‘youth’ and ‘youth services’. Framed by an analysis of the aggressive disinvestment of ‘austerity’, we take up Deleuze and Guattari’s notion of the assemblage as a tool to map and understand the apparently disparate factors or components that come together to produce a ‘youth service assemblage’ and its disassembly and reassembly. As we do this we demonstrate the usefulness of assemblage as way of encountering the productivity of relations across components and avoiding an account that over-states the force or scope of ‘policy’. The paper concludes that by analysing in terms of assemblage, new challenges for thinking about politics emerge, in particular the limits of thinking in terms of a resistant political subject and the need to engage ambiguity. 相似文献
2.
通过分析弗吉尼亚·伍尔夫的女性文学文本（包括《一间自己的房间》、《达洛卫夫人》,《到灯塔去》）,提出“食政治”的女性主义理论,并指出同“性政治”一样,“食政治”既是一种压迫女性的政治,同时也是一种女性借之获得自身解放的政治。 相似文献
3.
Darius D. Prier 《Equity & Excellence in Education》2017,50(1):41-52
This article situates educational leaders as prophetic critics in Black popular culture. These leaders merge cultural criticism with moral and political judgment, analyzing urban youths’ lived experiences and representational practices as well as analyzing counter-narrative texts in Black popular culture that have implications for urban education. As new world bricoleurs, these educational leaders use a multi-vocal, polyphonic approach in Black popular culture to disrupt a Western culture of homogeneity that is less culturally responsive to the dynamic struggles Black youth face in urban communities. In addition, as critical organic catalysts, they locate life-pressing public concerns within subcultural communities of resistance as relevant knowledge to organize a radical democratic politics in educational leadership. 相似文献
4.
ABSTRACTAmplified by a global political climate of fear, oppression, and increased nationalism, this article examines how U.S. secondary students in a digital media elective course used multimodal composition, and video production in particular, as a nexus of ‘participatory politics.’ By partnering theories of multiliterate expression with youth civic engagement, it offers new understandings into how urban youth use digital media production to leverage school-based social action. Refracted through a mediated discourse analysis lens, and with a particular focus on sound as a modal resource for design, findings suggest that youth used media production and semiotic sense-making to simultaneously enliven community action as well as shield students from personal histories of trauma. By engaging in the process of digital media production, as this article suggests, students cultivated new core practices of civic interaction and local engagement by amplifying injustice. 相似文献
5.
Youth councils are examined as spaces of citizenship education where young people are educated as political subjects. At a time of political and economic instability data were collected in a Catalan city through tests and focus groups involving 112 students, three teachers and two youth council managers during one academic year. Students’ political trust decreased and their cynicism towards politics increased; there were no changes in students’ anticipated future participation. The article avoids drawing simplistic causal links between students’ involvement in a council and the expression of their views. The participants also discuss the councils as performance sites. It is speculated whether, in students’ views, this metaphor of performance applies not only to the councils but to the wider political context in which they live. It is argued that youth councils are, in some ways, potentially valuable for promoting participation and recommendations are made in light of the findings. 相似文献
6.
马克思对政治的思考,以“整体性”特质尽显卓越.从“政治”的整体性出发,马克思深刻地揭示了现代性政治的特性与本质——与强制性权力、国家紧密相关(以国家为中心),即现代国家政治;另一方面,马克思在建构其未来的理想社会中呈现了与这一理想社会相融合的政治特性——与理想社会秩序、人的自主能力和交往能力完满相结合意义上的政治(以社会为中心),从而使他的政治概念具有了纵深的历史感和厚重结构.因此,马克思对政治的思考和把握具有双重维度——现代性的维度和理想性的维度.我们只有把二者结合起来,既把握政治作为国家强制性权力的现代性,也把握政治作为人类自我治理需要的理想性,才有可能深刻地把握马克思的政治概念的本真意蕴. 相似文献
7.
李桂英 《宁波大学学报(教育科学版)》2012,(2):87-89
网络时代大学生政治心理与行为呈现出"关心政治""倾向功利""肯定党的执政能力""对政治发展有较大信心""自主意识强烈"等特征;其中,也存在"政治信任度不高""政治冷漠""政治价值观西化"等问题,因此,高校应采取"警惕网络有害信息,加快民主和法治建设,发展网络政治,优化网络环境"等措施来培养大学生良好的政治心理与行为习惯。 相似文献
8.
公民的政治参与是现代民主政治的基础和重要标志,也是衡量一个国家政治文明的重要尺度,同时也是构建和谐社会的重要动力。贵州少数民族地区由于历史和现实的客观条件的制约,其少数民族公民政治参与的现状离社会主义和谐社会政治建设的要求还有差距。那么,从资金扶持、政治体制改革、政治文化建设、公民政治参与渠道等角度出发,可为贵州少数民族地区公民实现政治参与提供解决思路。 相似文献
9.
魏晋时期女性意识张扬的一个突出表现是她们对政治权力的追求和对妇女与政权力的维护。由于所处社会地位的不同,各阶层女性的参政情况存在较大差异。女性得以与政,既有前代遗留的习风旧俗作铺垫,也与当时的政权结构、民族构成、社会风俗、思想观念等现实因素直接相关。但从本质上看,这种参政与男性主政并无两样,它终究无法改变女性从属于男性的社会地位,无法改变社会权力体系的父权制属性。 相似文献
10.
ABSTRACTOnline environments are now central to political life, especially for young people. They are prominent contexts for activities that include: fundraising, political debate, sharing political perspectives, mobilizing individuals and groups to act, and applying pressure to governments, corporations, and nonprofits. Much of this online politically focused activity occurs within a broader media ecology that can be characterized as a participatory culture (Jenkins, H., R. Purushotma, K. Clinton, M. Weigel, and A. J. Robison. [2009]. Confronting the Challenges of Participatory Culture: Media Education for the 21st Century. Occasional Paper on Digital Media and Learning. Chicago: John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation). Many have argued that media literacy efforts are needed for youth to fully leverage these digital opportunities, but rigorous studies of such educational efforts are just beginning to emerge. Drawing on an original panel survey, this paper examines whether efforts to promote digital engagement literacies increase youth online engagement in politics. We find that they do. Educators’ efforts to foster digital engagement literacies increase youth engagement in participatory politics and in applying targeted political pressure to government, corporations, and nonprofits. 相似文献
11.
《比较教育学》2012,48(1):87-102
This paper contributes to the study of citizenship by interrogating how young people in Nairobi (Chege and Arnot 2012) perceive their rights of citizenship. It builds on previous analyses of the connections between gender, education and poverty's poor urban settlements by focusing on the political dimensions of the young people's lives. The findings are based on in-depth interviews with 24 young men and women (mainly siblings aged 16–25) from 18 urban households which explored how they define their national identity and citizenship rights and their expectations of the Kenyan government. All youth felt a connection with the Kenyan nation and actively engaged with rights discourses, but secondary schooled youth demonstrated a noticeably more reflexive and challenging approach to the norms and responsibilities of citizenship. Young men focused on the public sphere, emphasising voting rights, political corruption and their role in leading community change, whilst secondary educated young women recognised the importance of ‘freedoms’ associated with national membership, their rights to choose within cultural traditions and the need to support their families. Gender is shown to play an important role in framing their understanding of themselves as citizens. 相似文献
12.
徐震 《常熟理工学院学报》2011,25(1):25-29
现实中国的民主政治是构建中国特色商谈政治的基础和前提。中国民主政治的建设和创新要从自身的民族文化和政治现实中寻找资源,也要从全球化时代造就的独特外部语境寻找资源。哈贝马斯的商谈政治观既是西方民主政治的逻辑发展,也是全球化时代理论和实践的产物,契合了中国民主政治的未来方向,成为构建中国特色商谈政治的有益资源。 相似文献
13.
吴云志 《辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,(3):307-310
邓小平非常重视青少年思想政治工作,他高屋建瓴地分析、阐述了青少年思想政治教育的作用、内容和方法等问题,形成了丰富的青少年思想政治教育思想。邓小平青少年思想政治教育思想是他关于思想政治教育理论的重要组成部分,其主要内容有六个方面:"学校应该永远把坚定正确的政治方向放在第一位""要对青年进行共产主义教育""要向全体青少年宣传高尚的道德""要用历史教育青年""法制教育要从娃娃抓起""都来关心青少年思想政治的进步"。邓小平青少年思想政治教育观为新时期加强和改进青少年思想政治工作指明了方向,奠定了坚实的思想基础,具有重要的理论意义和实践价值。 相似文献
14.
Meagan M. Patterson Rebecca S. Bigler Erin Pahlke Christia Spears Brown Amy Roberson Hayes M. Chantal Ramirez Andrew Nelson 《Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development》2019,84(3):7-185
In this monograph, we argue for the establishment of a developmental science of politics that describes, explains, and predicts the formation and change of individuals’ political knowledge, attitudes, and behavior beginning in childhood and continuing across the life course. Reflecting our goal of contributing both theoretical conceptualizations and empirical data, we have organized the monograph into two broad sections. In the first section, we outline theoretical contributions that the study of politics may make to developmental science and provide practical reasons that empirical research in the domain of politics is important (e.g., for identifying ways to improve civics education and for encouraging higher voting rates among young adults). We also review major historical approaches to the study of political development and provide an integrative theoretical framework to ground future work. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems model as an organizing scheme and emphasizing social justice issues, we describe how factors rooted in cultural contexts, families, and children themselves are likely to shape political development. In the second section of the monograph, we argue for the importance and utility of studying major political events, such as presidential elections, and introduce the major themes, rationales, and hypotheses for a study of U.S. children's views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In addition, we apply a social-justice lens to political thought and participation, addressing the role of gender/sex and race/ethnicity in children's political development broadly, and in their knowledge and views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election specifically. In interviews conducted within the month before and after the election, we examined two overarching categories of children's political attitudes: (a) knowledge, preferences, and expectations about the 2016 election, and (b) knowledge and attitudes concerning gender/sex and politics, particularly relevant for the 2016 election given Hillary Clinton's role as the first female major-party candidate for the presidency. Participants were 187 children (101 girls) between 5 and 11 years of age (M = 8.42 years, SD = 1.45 years). They were recruited from schools and youth organizations in five counties in four U.S. states (Kansas, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington) with varying voting patterns (e.g., Trump voters ranged from 27% to 71% of county voters). The sample was not a nationally representative one, but was racially diverse (35 African American, 50 Latinx, 81 White, and 21 multiracial, Asian American, Middle Eastern, or Native American children). In addition to several child characteristics (e.g., age, social dominance orientation [SDO]), we assessed several family and community characteristics (e.g., child-reported parental interest in the election and government-reported county-level voting patterns, respectively) hypothesized to predict outcome variables. Although our findings are shaped by the nature of our sample (e.g., our participants were less likely to support Trump than children in larger, nationwide samples were), they offer preliminary insights into children's political development. Overall, children in our sample were interested in and knowledgeable about the presidential election (e.g., a large majority identified the candidates correctly and reported some knowledge about their personal qualities or policy positions). They reported more information about Donald Trump's than Hillary Clinton's policies, largely accounted for by the substantial percentage of children (41%) who referred to Trump's immigration policies (e.g., building a wall between the United States and Mexico). Overall, children reported as many negative as positive personal qualities of the candidates, with negative qualities being reported more often for Trump than for Clinton (56% and 18% of children, respectively). Most children (88%) supported Clinton over Trump, a preference that did not vary by participants’ gender/sex or race/ethnicity. In their responses to an open-ended inquiry about their reactions to Trump's win, 63% of children reported negative and 18% reported positive emotions. Latinx children reacted more negatively to the election outcome than did White children. Girls’ and boys’ emotional responses to the election outcome did not differ. Children's personal interest in serving as U.S. president did not vary across gender/sex or racial/ethnic groups (overall, 42% were interested). Clinton's loss of the election did not appear to depress (or pique) girls’ interest in becoming U.S. president. With respect to the role of gender/sex in politics, many children (35%) were ignorant about women's absence from the U.S. presidency. Only a single child was able to name a historical individual who worked for women's civil rights or suffrage. Child characteristics predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, older children showed greater knowledge about the candidates than did younger children. Family and community characteristics also predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, participants were more likely to support Trump if they perceived that their parents supported him and if Trump received a greater percentage of votes in the children's county of residence. Our data suggest that civic education should be expanded and reformed. In addition to addressing societal problems requiring political solutions, civics lessons should include the histories of social groups’ political participation, including information about gender discrimination and the women's suffrage movement in U.S. political history. Providing children with environments that are rich in information related to the purpose and value of politics, and with opportunities and encouragement for political thought and action, is potentially beneficial for youth and their nations. 相似文献
15.
ABSTRACTIn this article, we examine how a cohort of urban youth born under China’s one-child policy have developed flexible gender identities through their childrearing aspirations and educational and occupational narratives, choices, and trajectories between 1999 and 2014. Drawing on surveys of 406 respondents conducted in 1999, 2012–2013, and 2013–2014, and interviews of 48 of those respondents in 2011–2014, we argue that our female research participants were more able to produce flexible gender identities than their male counterparts, and that China’s new market economy increasingly rewards youth who are flexible enough to adjust to rapidly changing circumstances, an approach more compatible with the flexible gender identities produced by young women than the more rigid gender identities produced by young men. 相似文献
16.
Kate Dunsmore 《Learning, Media and Technology》2008,33(1):1-10
Research on the lack of civic and political engagement on the part of today’s youth has relied on traditional, often quantitative, measures of political knowledge that may miss important elements of the process. Using an ethnographic approach with a group of inner‐city high school students, our study reveals a richer construction of students’ awareness of political issues, or political socialization than previously documented by conventional survey measures. Notably present is a sophisticated awareness of and identification with non‐news television formats which suggests that sources such as TV talk and reality shows may be important sources of political discourse and even civic engagement. Our study also supports the value of hands‐on media production projects for understanding youth political knowledge and awareness, suggesting an additional tool for political communication and civic engagement research. 相似文献
17.
21世纪以来,针对公民政治冷漠的现象,政治教育成为英国公民教育改革的重要举措。本文介绍当前英国推行政治教育的社会背景,并以英国议会教育服务机构开发的青少年政治教育材料《你获得了权力》为例,分析当下英国政治教育的特点。本文发现,总体上英国政治教育强调:掌握政治知识、技巧,培养积极参与政治的态度。但是,对这一套材料的分析,也反映出英国政治教育的问题,即较少鼓励学生参与社会、政治实践,以及培养批判性思维。这令人怀疑仅仅局限于政治通识的教育,是否是解决政治冷漠难题的良方。 相似文献
18.
In this article, the author reflects on his participation in a project in democratic educational renewal in an inner‐city high school in Cincinnati, Ohio in the 1990s. He frames the case study within a number of broader questions in democratic educational research and theory having to do with the need to construct narratives of hope without illusion. Such research narratives, he argues, are rooted in a recognition that culture is contested and thus open rather than determined. Progressive stories open up possibilities for critical reflection and strategic action at various sites, and they cross the borders between ‘insider’ and ‘outsider’ accounts. To develop these ideas, he draws on a number of poststructural theorists, including most notably Gramsci and Foucault. He situates the case study within the context of an analysis of the new cultural politics of: corporate‐sponsored school reform, the surveillance and policing of urban youth, and the ‘othering’ of progressives voices in urban education. 相似文献
19.
沙特王国是中东和伊斯兰国家教育的代表,具有研究的典型性和重要的学术研究价值。以沙特王国的教育为研究对象,将其置于福利政治的视野下,采用政治学、历史学和教育学交叉研究的方法审视沙特王国的福利性教育得失。沙特王国的福利性教育具有鲜明的政治色彩,是沙特政府推行福利政治的重要组成部分,而其教育的政治倾向一定程度上导致了教育发展的不均衡和不平等。近年来沙特政府实行了一系列教育改革,这些改革一定程度上体现了去福利化、公平化以及市场导向的倾向,然而鉴于福利性教育的政治意义,王国的教育改革很难有质的突破。 相似文献
20.
Until the mid‐1970s, the politics of urban school desegregation concentrated almost exclusively on the attainment of some form of racial balance. The racial balance paradigm became the focal point for desegregation planners and for local, state and national dispute about ‘forced bussing’. However, in its 1977 Milliken II ruling, the Supreme Court added critical new elements to the urban school desegregation paradigm. By affirming a desegregation plan which included remedial education components in all‐minority schools, and which required state participation in financing these components, Milliken II heralded a new era of urban school desegregation. Resource issues and school effectiveness issues joined racial balance issues in the crucible of desegregation politics. In this chapter, the post‐Milliken politics of urban school desegregation are highlighted through examination of the St Louis and Kansas City cases. New goals, new issues, new alignments of interests and new political strategies are apparent, presenting new challenges to students of urban education policy and politics. 相似文献