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1.
Because of its long commitment to inclusive/integrated education, Italy leads the world in educating the largest percentage of its students with disabilities in general education classes. It also boasts the fewest special classes and schools. Inclusion in Italy is based on a principle that disability is not a problem, but rather a positive force in the classroom. Focused on developing the competencies of each student, inclusion/integration shares a belief in the capacity for growth of all learners and an assumption that non-disabled and disabled peers, even those with the most significant learning needs, learn in mutually reinforcing and reciprocal ways. Integrazione scolastica is not, therefore, simply a moral or ethical project but has led to increased achievement for learners with and without disabilities. Yet, despite progressive laws and policies and a 30-year history of inclusive education, there remains a need to be hypervigilant to pressures to revert back to the status quo of segregated education. The problem is not a lack of a US-centric approach, as advocated by Anastasiou, Kaufman, and Di Nuovo (2015), which is increasingly out of step with international policy and deeply mired in racial inequalities and a overall lack of efficacy, but rather to find ways to recommit to fully inclusive practices in an era of increased diversity, diminished economic resources and increasing pressures of neoliberal reforms.  相似文献   

2.
The purpose of this critical discourse analysis is to examine how the political speeches and statements of President Barack Obama knowingly or unknowingly continue practices and policies of White privilege within educational policy and practice by constructing education in a neoliberal frame. With presidents having the ability to communicate unencumbered with their citizens, the impact of Presidential communication can either set or rupture the status quo. President Obama, as the first non-White President of the United States of America, is now at the center of continuing or breaking the status quo in educational policy which has been historically harmful to racial minorities. Through this critical discourse analysis studying the statements and remarks of President Obama in seven speeches pertaining to pk-12 education, there was evidence that suggested President Obama maintains the status quo. This paper argues that President Obama views education as a neoliberal enterprise, with its main focus on education serving economic purposes. Such a view reinforces racial stratification throughout society. Other evidence suggests that President Obama also reinforces individualistic approaches concerning race which could serve to further embed the institutional and internalized racism in public education. This research can serve to continue and strengthen educational discussions of the impact of whiteness and racism on public education. While steps are continually taken to ensure legal equality, generational and institutionalized measures are often ignored when discussing race and racism. This research can provide for further conversations on the impact that leaders have on continuing and promoting aspects of racism to their constituents.  相似文献   

3.
Author Reply     
The purpose of this article is to examine factors that influence how Black female athletic administrators negotiate their personal identity. Negotiation of identities is not only about what people say and do, but where and when they do it, as well as with whom they do it. Thus, it is important to identify social, personal, and organizational factors that influence identity negotiation outcomes. In doing so, this article integrates Thomas and Ely's (1996) diversity perspectives with behavioral confirmation theory and Swann's (1987) theory of self-verification to gain an understanding of the mechanisms and processes that influence Black female athletic administrators' and coaches' identity negotiation outcomes. Six propositions are advanced concerning how personal factors, social status, organizational status, and three diversity perspectives (integration and learning, discrimination and fairness, and access and legitimacy), can support Black females in verifying their self views or conforming their identity to others' expectations.  相似文献   

4.
The Responsible Anarchist: Postmodernism and social change   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  
In recent years, the adoption of postmodern theoretical perspectives within educational research has prompted strong critical reaction. For some critics (particularly Marxist researchers), the greatest fault of postmodernism is that it lacks an agenda for social change. This paper takes issue with this argument, and with four associated arguments: (1) that postmodernism disempowers those to whom it claims to give voice; (2) that it appeals only to intellectuals and has no practical value; (3) that it denies the possibility of the construction of a new social order; and (4) that it colludes with the status quo in its refusal to act. Addressing each of these points in turn, the author suggests that, contrary to the view of these critics, postmodernism offers a powerful force for social change, through the acceptance of uncertainty, the acknowledgement of diversity and the refusal to see concepts such as 'justice' or 'society' as fixed, or as governed by unassailable 'truths'.  相似文献   

5.
In this analysis, I argue that inequitable social and educational policies and practices hinder equity in the U.S. educational system. I challenge and critique the status quo, and the nation's current efforts toward educational equity. I then propose a radical shift in educational policy – a surrendering of social and political systems for the purpose of promoting equitable schooling conditions.  相似文献   

6.
Group‐based social hierarchies exist in nearly every society, yet little is known about whether children understand that they exist. The present studies investigated whether 3‐ to 10‐year‐old children (N = 84) in South Africa associate higher status racial groups with higher levels of wealth, one indicator of social status. Children matched higher value belongings with White people more often than with multiracial or Black people and with multiracial people more often than with Black people, thus showing sensitivity to the de facto racial hierarchy in their society. There were no age‐related changes in children’s tendency to associate racial groups with wealth differences. The implications of these results are discussed in light of the general tendency for people to legitimize and perpetuate the status quo.  相似文献   

7.
This article documents minority youth sense-making around the concept of diversity and the founding of a youth activist group that seeks spaces for policy thinking and protesting against racial inequalities in selective enrollment schools. Utilizing the sociological theory of racial formation and the concept of racial projects (Omi and Winant in Racial formation in the United States, 3rd edn, Routledge, New York, 2014), this article draws on data from a critical ethnography. The author argues that youth activists offer a critical perspective for researchers and policy-makers in the face of neoliberal school choice policy. Findings reveal that youth activists understand a lack of diversity as racial imbalance in high status schools, and that they expose structural inequalities that are embedded in policy structures and processes such as selective enrollment high schools. Implications are discussed to show how re-conceptualizing policy as a racial formation can bring structural and institutional racist practices into view in hopes of transforming district policies to offer access to high quality schools for all students.  相似文献   

8.
The introduction of postgraduate programmes at the Institute of Education, Universiti Brunei Darussalam indicates that educational research will play a central role in teacher education. While there is widespread agreement on the appropriateness of action research, little consideration has been given to the degree to which it is compatible with cultural and political expectations of the teacher's role. This paper argues that rather than improve educational practice as envisioned by constructivists, action research may be used by the state to legitimize existing educational policies. Since schools are a major socialization agency in this small, Malay-Islamic state, it will be difficult for teachers to modify their traditional teaching and problem-solving strategies, let alone question educational policies. The paper suggests that when interpreted within a broader political framework, action research is likely to be appropriated by the state to delimit research and legitimize existing policies and social arrangements of the school, thereby strengthening the status quo.  相似文献   

9.
South African universities need more academics with PhDs, from historically disadvantaged population groups in particular, but they face a conundrum. In order to have more staff with PhDs, they need to produce more PhD graduates. But in order to produce more PhD graduates, they need more staff with PhDs to supervise. This article explores this conundrum by comparing academic qualifications with national policies and targets, by developing a quantitative profile of staff without PhDs and describing government and institutional measures to improve academic qualifications. An institution's supervisory capacity is found to be closely related to institutional history. Four main factors are identified: (a) whether or not the institution was originally established as a traditional university or as a technikon; (b) whether or not it was advantaged or disadvantaged under apartheid, which was closely related to the racial group for which it was established; (c) whether or not it was merged post 2004; and if so, (d) with what type of institution it was merged.  相似文献   

10.
I theorize how the common sense of racialized violence, manifest in public discourse, is engendered by the rhetorical process of racial sedimentation. This meaning-making process fashions a seemingly legitimate text from a reservoir of historically deposited fragments that congeal in response to racial crises as a means of explaining away the threat to the racial status quo and burying critical counterdiscourses. I demonstrate this sedimentation process by analyzing both the dominant and vernacular discourses that emerged in response to eight black churches that were burned in a ten-day period following the June 2015 AME church massacre. I also consider how these vernacular rhetorics mobilize fugitive fragments from what Karma Chávez calls the “undercommonsense” to form a survival discourse and what possibilities those radical (from Latin radix, “root”) meaning-making practices may hold. This essay advances communication studies scholarship by connecting discursive approaches to race and racism with rhetorical scholarship on fragmentation, ideology, and public memory. It offers a vocabulary for confronting civil society’s material rhetorics that mask the material realities of racism and racial oppression, and calls for rhetoricians to take seriously the common-sense racism that perpetuates these dynamics and how it might be revised or contested.  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

The Council on Social Work Education's Handbook on Accreditation and Procedures (1991) reiterates the council's previous mandate for incorporation of knowledge of racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity throughout both the undergraduate and graduate social work curriculum. This article presents an integrative cognitive and affective learning framework for multicultural social work education. The model encourages students' addressing the significance of their racial, ethnic, and cultural heritage and emphasizes the effects of this education and enrichment in developing an ethnic-sensitive social work practice.  相似文献   

12.
《教育心理学家》2012,47(1):5-17
University admissions tests should predict an applicant's ability to succeed in college, but how should this success be defined and measured? The status quo has been to use 1st-year grade point average (FYGPA) as the key indicator of college success, but a review of documents such as university mission statements reveals that universities expect students to develop a broad range of skills that are not always fully captured by FYGPA. In this article, evidence related to college and university documents are reviewed and analyzed for common links with regard to the essential capabilities these institutions purport to seek and to develop in their students. A conceptual model outlining what outcomes admissions tests ought to predict is then presented and discussed. Finally, the article considers whether admissions testing ought to be based on an applicant's aptitude, ability, or achievement in the essential skill areas that most universities aim to develop in their students.  相似文献   

13.
Drawing on a broader study that focused on examining principal leadership for equity and diversity, this paper presents the leadership experiences of ‘Jane’, a White, middle-class principal of a rural Indigenous school. The paper highlights how Jane's leadership is inextricably shaped by her assumptions about race and the political dynamics and historical specificities of her school community. A central focus is on Jane's tendency to deploy culturally reductionist understandings of Indigeneity that position it as incompatible or incommensurable with White culture/western schooling. The paper argues the central imperative of a leadership that rejects these understandings and engages in a critical situational analysis of Indigenous politics, relations and experience. Such an analysis is presented as imperative to supporting representative justice in that it moves beyond merely according a voice to Indigenous people to a focus on better understanding, problematising and remedying the racial relations that contribute to Indigenous oppression.  相似文献   

14.
This article presents a case study of Bob Jones University (BJU), a fundamentalist Christian institution located in South Carolina that is known within the context of U.S. higher education for its conservatism on multiple levels. Our analysis traces the beliefs of the institution's founder and subsequent leaders, in addition to particular religious, cultural, and social influences, all of which shaped BJU's institutional policies, including the university's racial practices. We believe that BJU's policies can best be understood from the contexts of two primary influential forces: its Southern cultural heritage (specifically, the culture-of-honor that has existed within the Deep South of the United States) combined with its fundamentalist moorings. Although BJU's policies have historically differed markedly from other Christian institutions regarding racism, we believe that the present study may be helpful in illustrating important historical lessons that possess potential contemporary applications for higher education policy and prac-tices.  相似文献   

15.
"The objective of development education is to enable people to comprehend and participate in their own, their community's, their nation's and their world's development. It is an educational process in which the process is the content. It is a process in which a comprehension of reality and the confidence in one's own ability to change is a primary objective. This means that any process of development education must create a critical awareness of local, national and international situations starting from the perceived reality and perspective of the individual. Equally it must be a process which must create the will to change, and an awareness of the rôle to be played in changing the status quo. Hence it must stimulate creativity.”  相似文献   

16.
Research Findings: In the present meta-analysis, information from 21 studies (representing 22 separate samples) was pooled across a 10-year period (1998–2008). Across 2 primary dimensions of direct father involvement (frequency of positive engagement activities and aspects of parenting quality) and 5 dimensions of children's early learning (representing social and cognitive domains), findings revealed small to moderate associations. Among group differences tested to further explain the relationships between these constructs, residential status and the ethnic/racial identification of fathers' surfaced as significant moderators, whereas income status was only meaningful at the trend level. Practice or Policy: In recent years, national attention has increased concerning the important influence of fathers on children's development. Concurrently, national interest has turned to the early childhood period as marking a major transition for young children, during which children are confronted with new and diverse developmental challenges that require emotional, social, and cognitive competence across their home and school environments. Although there is a growing body of research on fatherhood and father involvement, this literature has not been examined systematically to determine the strength of associations between specific dimensions of father involvement and young children's early learning that could inform the efforts of early childhood practitioners and family engagement programming decisions.  相似文献   

17.
Gunther M Hega 《Compare》2001,31(2):205-227
This article argues that identity and language issues exert a powerful influence on the politics and policies of education in Switzerland. Regional and local linguistic and cultural differences affect the education policies of the Swiss federal government, the 26 Swiss cantons, and the more than 3000 Swiss communities. Switzerland's highly decentralized political system and its mechanisms of direct democratic citizens' participation force educational policy-makers at the national, regional, and local level to take into account not only their own locality's culture and language, but also that of their neighboring towns, cantons, and regions. The article uses the example of the introduction of second language instruction as a case study to illustrate why and how education policy at all levels of the polity reflects Switzerland's cultural and linguistic diversity and the strong local and regional identities of the Swiss citizenry.  相似文献   

18.
In an increasingly global and interconnected world, it is necessary for corporations and educational systems to develop mechanisms for community members to enhance multicultural competencies related to diversity including race, ethnicity, gender and gender identity, sexual orientation, age, religion, and the like. Some people internalize anger, fear, contempt, and guilt about these issues. As a result, people express their feelings in unhealthy and unproductive ways in school and in the workplace. The solution often is to provide diversity training or sensitivity training. This case study analysis utilizes Kaufman's systemic thinking model to examine what went wrong when one university attempted to implement a yearlong intensive diversity training program that brought national media attention and a potential lawsuit against the university, ultimately resulting in a dramatic shift in the university's out‐of‐classroom experiential learning policies.  相似文献   

19.
Race,ethnicity and education under New Labour   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  
From 1997 the New Labour government was eager to affirm a commitment to social justice and racial equality, and initially there were moves to address some long‐standing educational grievances. But a continuation of Conservative market policies of choice and diversity in schooling and a targeting of ‘failing’ schools exacerbated school segregation and racial inequalities. Policies intended to improve the achievement of minority groups have had some success, but the higher achievements of Indian and Chinese groups have led to facile comparisons which further pathologise young people of African‐Caribbean and Pakistani origin. Failure to develop a curriculum for a multiethnic society has contributed to an increase in xenophobia and racism, and there were no educational policies to deal with increased hostility towards young Muslims. Home Office policies targeting refugees and asylum seekers have encouraged racial hostility towards their children despite amended race relations legislation.  相似文献   

20.
Selective universities regularly employ policies that favor children of alumni (known as legacies) in undergraduate admissions. Since alumni from selective colleges and universities historically have been disproportionately white, admissions policies that favor legacies have disproportionately benefited white students. For this reason, legacy policies lead to additional costs in terms of reductions in racial diversity. As larger numbers of minority students graduate from colleges and universities and have children, however, the potential pool of legacy applicants will change markedly in racial composition. This analysis begins with a review of the history and objectives of the preference for children of alumni in undergraduate admissions. We then consider the specific case of the University of Virginia and employ demographic techniques to predict the racial composition of the pool of potential legacy applicants to the university. Significant changes in the racial composition of classes that graduated from the University of Virginia from the late 1960s through the 1970s foreshadow similar changes in the characteristics of alumni children maturing through the next two decades.  相似文献   

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