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1.
Kazufumi Taira 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2019,28(2):110-126
This research examines some modes of Japanization through education in Okinawa where Japanese influences on education have permeated after Japan’s annexation. I investigate how a book excerpt entitled Mizu no Tōzai, included in high school textbooks in Okinawa, constructs Japanese identity. Mizu no Tōzai functions as nihonjinron discourse, which is characterized by ‘Japanese culture,’ ‘Japanese uniqueness,’ and ‘Japaneseness.’ The ‘East-West’ dichotomy, depicted in this nihonjinron discourse, induces students to choose ‘Japan’/‘Japanese culture’ and become ‘Japanese.’ Practice sections of Mizu no Tōzai in textbooks as well as a textbook guide operate to be complicit in this Japanese identity construction. Through a critical analysis of discourse, I reveal that the nihonjinron discourse operating as official knowledge, in collusion with the other discursive texts, produces a position subjected to the discourse of Japanization within which Okinawans become ‘Japanese.’ I problematize these discursive texts as a systematic form of Japanizing Okinawans’ minds through education. 相似文献
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3.
Mitsuko Maeda 《Learning, Media and Technology》2000,25(2):87-106
This paper examines whether a video produced by young African people could serve the goal of education for understanding ‘others’ in the context of Japan. This was investigated by assessing Japanese pupils’ perceptions of Africa before and after viewing a video produced by Kenyan students. Data were gathered from Japanese pupils’ drawings. The result suggests that, after seeing the test video, the pupils changed their perceptions of Africa significantly. This concluded that video can contribute to the goal of education for understanding ‘others’, but the effect must be reinforced by providing more information concerning Africa and encouraging interactions between Africa and Japan 相似文献
4.
Mai Beilmann 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2017,38(8):1139-1151
Although it is arguably a fundamental democratic or human right of a child to feel safe at school, many children and adolescents have to face peer victimisation in schools on a daily basis, and occasionally through several levels of education. Long-term victimisation may have detrimental consequences for the victim, including a negative effect on educational attainment. This study provides an insight into the lives of five young people who have dropped out or are at risk of dropping out from Estonian vocational schools because of peer victimisation. The study is based on in-depth face-to-face personal interviews. Four superordinate themes with associated subthemes are addressed: ‘experience of victimisation’, ‘social context’, ‘lack of support’, and ‘quitting as a survival strategy’. The stories of the bullying victims reveal how the victimisation has shaped them and their educational pathways by compelling them to discontinue their vocational training. 相似文献
5.
Jonas Olofsson 《Journal of Vocational Education & Training》2017,69(4):495-516
In this article, we illustrate the creation of the education policy paradigm that constitutes the framework of vocational education and training (VET) programmes, and analyse local school representatives’ perception of VET in upper secondary schools in Sweden. The education policy paradigm, established through three periods of reform during the twentieth century, undervalues VET as being less worthy than general/academic education. This paradigm generates the rhetoric used by interviewed school representatives that encourages school pupils to choose the ‘right’ (academic) programmes in order to foster a specific citizenship competence, even if this competence is not fully compatible with labour market demands. Young people who cannot, or will not, attain the ‘right’ education, and thus the advocated citizenship competence, lose out in a school system where general/academic education and higher education preparatory programmes are consistently prioritised over VET. An educational system that advocates discrimination and suspicion of VET limits career options and restricts entry into the labour market, as well as risk stigmatising pupils undertaking VET; this paradigm is neither justified nor democratic. 相似文献
6.
In this paper we consider the negotiating positions adopted by the US and Japan for the liberalisation of trade in educational services under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). We argue that the US adopts a position of hegemon and freerider in the development of a liberalisation regime in education. The aggressive character of the US position is profoundly influenced by: (1) a strong federal government level faith in service liberalisation; (2) high levels of domestic privatisation in the fields of higher education, training, testing and evaluation; (3) active lobbying by educational services providers. Nonetheless, the US is cautious about allowing foreign competition into domestic education markets. This stems in part from active resistance of the public education sector; and in part because of the delicate jurisdictional questions it would raise given the constitutional right of states to control educational policy. Ironically, US reticence also seems to be related to the relatively high levels of private educational expenditures in the US. In contrast, the Japanese government's approach is motivated primarily by bet‐hedging and legitimation concerns. Japan is not a net‐exporter of educational services and cannot be said to have comparative advantage in this field. However, three things seem to be influencing what might be seen as Japan's surprising decision to join the group of only four (World Trade Organization)WTO member nations who have submitted negotiating proposals for trade in educational services. First, the Japanese are strongly interested in the expansion of trade in other service areas, and may be willing to negotiate in education in order to further negotiations in these other areas. Secondly, Japan's decade‐long economic crisis has contributed to an important policy shift in the government's plans for higher education. Questions about the relevance and competitiveness of Japanese higher education have recently led the Japanese government to commit itself to this sector's ‘internationalisation’. To this end the government is also considering legislation that allows for the accreditation of 282 K. Mundy & M. Iga foreign higher education within Japan. Nonetheless, the Japanese government's negotiating proposal on trade in educational services is much more tentative than that presented by the European Union (EU) and New Zealand, for example. Japan places unique emphasis on the importance of regulatory control mechanisms for foreign service providers. As in the US, at least some part of the Japanese reticence seems to be driven by relatively high levels of private educational expenditure in the country. This paper is organised as follows. In Sections I‐V we briefly trace the history of the WTO, the GATS, and the inclusion of educational services in the GATS. Here we emphasise the strong role played by the US in the inclusion of services in international trade negotiations, and its part in the collapse of ‘embedded liberalism’ as a foundation for a multilateral trade regime. We also look briefly at the contentious aspects of the current round of negotiations in the education sector and describe their current state of play. In Sections VI and VII, we look more closely at the political economy of the negotiating positions adopted by the US and by Japan. We situate the negotiating approaches of these two countries within a comparative analysis of their relative share of current trade in educational services. In our concluding section, we begin to answer two questions. First, what theoretical framework best explains the content and direction of the American and Japanese negotiating frameworks? Second, what can the negotiating positions of these two important WTO members tell us about the overall direction and likely outcomes of the Doho round of negotiations on educational services? 相似文献
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《Ethnography and Education》2013,8(2):165-179
Practices and policies of Japanese schooling for immigrant and marginalised students are examined through the lens of a primary school which serves one of the largest foreign student populations in Japan. Student families include Southeast Asian refugees, South American immigrants of Japanese descent, recent and longstanding Chinese and Koreans, and low-income Japanese nationals. Years of ethnographic fieldwork in several low-income Japanese urban communities preceded this work, consisting of interviews, site visits, historical documentation and professional consultations. Study of the chosen school offers a snapshot of not only the contested terrain of schooling, but also the larger context of these young peoples’ lives: demands on foreign labourers, shifting and constructed identities, laws that both welcome and constrain. In the midst of apparent chaos, this school attempts to respond to the challenges presented by a system ill-prepared to work with children who are ‘different’. 相似文献
8.
This article explores the upper secondary (or post‐16) school market. The study on which it is based, funded by the Swedish Research Council, was entitled ‘Upper‐secondary education as a market’. Empirical data include official statistics, policy documents, school publications, company reports and school visits. Printed and other news media were also scrutinised to identify how the marketisation of education is represented in public discourse. A number of themes emerged from the study which included mapping the expansion of the school market, chains of ownership and influence, marketing strategies, choice and the school market and issues raised in the media. These imply that there is a new market discourse which represents a clear break with previous social democratic education policies primarily aimed at enhancing citizenship and wider democratic values within an inclusive public school. However, critiques have also emerged including a call for strengthened regulations of and control over independent schools and concern about an education market equated more with shares and profits rather than pedagogy and student citizenship. 相似文献
9.
Laura Scholes Elizabeth Wallace Sue Walker Jo Lunn Brownlee Veronica Lawson 《British Educational Research Journal》2022,48(2):272-291
Moral reasoning in values education can promote a democratic way of life. It involves addressing behaviour expectations in responses to violence or bullying. There is increasing interest in how children make moral judgments about social inclusion within diverse cultural settings. Critical research highlights the relationship between epistemic cognition (views about the nature of knowledge and knowing) and reasoning. In this paper, we argue that this relationship is likely to be important in reasoning about moral values for inclusion in culturally diverse schools. However, we know little about how children in diverse educational settings reason about and enact school values for inclusion. Our study addresses this gap by examining primary school children’s epistemic reasoning about the social inclusion of peers with a focus on justifications for inclusion/exclusion of aggressive peers. Twenty-six children (10–11 years old) from one culturally diverse school community in Australia were asked to illustrate (drawings) and reflect on (15–20 minute interviews) a conflict situation involving exclusion from play. The findings showed that most children reasoned about including/excluding others based on a ‘one right answer’ pattern which reflected an explicit focus on following the school rules. Fewer children moved ‘beyond right answers’ to show transition towards perceiving multiple perspectives in their reasoning about inclusion/exclusion. Implications for values education are discussed. 相似文献
10.
社会民主与学校重建的关系是杜威教育思想中的一个核心主题。工业革命以及随之引起的在科技、交通、政治、经济、文化等社会诸领域的全面变革,对美国民主构成了严峻挑战。从哲学高度,深入反思学校如何重建和变革,以在美国社会的民主进程中扮演更为积极、有为的角色,成为一个重大而紧迫的时代课题。杜威从教育的角度,重构了民主概念,主张学校应超越旧个人主义的狭隘性,通过主动作业培养未来公民的民主意识和社会精神。20世纪20年代前后,杜威的教育思想发生转向,对制度化教育在社会民主进程中的功能的有限性的认识更为清晰,但终其一生,杜威都未曾放弃对学校重建问题的关心。杜威有关民主和学校重建关系问题的思想十分深刻,超越了杰斐逊和贺拉斯·曼等前人,影响了克伯屈和拉格等社会改造主义教育家。在美国教育史中,杜威是一位继往开来的大师。 相似文献
11.
Kristjn Kristjnsson 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2004,38(2):207-219
This paper begins by rehearsing some commonly heard conservative and radical objections to the idea of citizenship education. I then explore another potentially radical objection, implicit in the tenets of ‘character education’ and ‘socio‐emotional learning’ but rarely stated explicitly. According to this objection, citizenship education, with its overarching ideal of democratic justice, politicises values education beyond good reason by assuming that political literacy and specific (democratic) social skills, rather than transcultural moral and emotional ‘basics’, are the primary values to be transmitted. I show how this objection is based on three major disagreements about (a) the good and the right, (b) pluralism and (c) the connection between morality and politics. 相似文献
12.
Linda Furgerson Selzer 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2013,45(1):22-25
Designing education policy, curriculum and competences which promote and nourish the values and/or morals believed to underpin democratic culture is both contentious and something which has occupied philosophers, policy-makers and educators from Ancient Greece to present. This task has become even more challenging as people and ideas have become more mobile and voting rights have been extended to include a more diverse citizenry. With the rise of populism, ‘Brexit’ and the far right, determining what constitutes education for democratic culture and the values which underpin it would seem to be more prescient than ever. This article considers how the Council of Europe (CoE) is addressing the question of what education for democratic culture is and the values that underpin it through its’ recently unveiled framework of Competences for Democratic Culture (CDC). As a unique step, it explicitly identifies values it deems to be necessary for democratic cultural competence, including the oft-conflicting values of cultural diversity and human rights. While potentially useful and timely, I argue that the framework is vulnerable to misuse and instrumentalization. I explore how Badiou's philosophy and his interpretation of Plato might help educators move beyond these challenges when presented with the framework. 相似文献
13.
Margaret Sleeboom-Faulkner 《Journal of moral education》2014,43(2):227-233
In the film, Please Vote for Me (2007), director Weijun Chen illustrates how leadership ambitions allowed ‘undemocratic’ means of competition during a democratic election among primary school children. Parents encouraged and teachers allowed unscrupulous competition among preselected eight-year-old candidates. The competition led to classmates being manipulated and disappointed and a ‘dictatorship’ similar to that of previous years. This film shows that a ‘democratic election’ in a primary school in Wuhan was guided by native Chinese values of ‘good leadership’ in reformed China. However, the newly introduced discussions on democratic leadership could also be seen as initial steps towards reflection on democracy. The documentary has won prestigious international awards, including the Sterling Feature Award (2007) and the Adolf Grimme Award (2008). 相似文献
14.
Lately, a deliberative conception of democracy has gained influence in policy debates throughout Europe. Individuals are here seen to be fostered into responsible, mature – democratic – citizens by being involved in dialogue. In the 1990s, calls for ‘democratic education’ intensified in Sweden. This article analyses two pedagogical models influenced by programmes developed in the USA that have recently had a great impact in Swedish schools and elsewhere, Social and Emotional Training and Aggression Replacement Training, both teaching pupils the ‘art of democratic deliberation’. By analysing manuals and interviews with school staff, we find that both models are based on the idea that through constant dialogue, pupils develop a ‘democratic mentality’. Referring to Foucault, this kind of dialogue can be seen as a technology of confession, where pupils are encouraged to reflect upon themselves and their behaviour, abilities and qualities as a way to change themselves and become democratic subjects. 相似文献
15.
David Kennedy 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2019,51(3):275-285
AbstractThis article examines the current state of foreign language education in Japanese universities as illustrative of the troubling conditions facing the liberal arts (i.e. the transformative arts) in a globalized neoliberal milieu. The utopian ideal in education has always insinuated, at the least, a pedagogy that inspires personal agency, creative investment, challenge to power and social change. This imagining of incalculable futures, however, has been undermined by the seemingly inevitable and confluent forces of a networked world, represented most forcefully by the socioeconomic reductionism of neoliberal globalism. In the context of contemporary Japanese higher education, these forces are joined by Japan’s uniquely ambivalent relationship with the ‘outside’ world, and manifested in the rigid conceptualizations that motivate deeply problematic government and institutional initiatives for the ‘globalization’ of higher education. Within the frame of Bernard Stiegler’s work on transindividuation (psychosocial transformation), this article critiques these influential practices as fundamentally antithetical to the challenge of engaging Japanese learners of foreign languages in sustainable ‘economies of contribution’—economies which foster critical engagement and which open paths to transindividuation. The article concludes by arguing for a radical reimagining of the landscape of foreign language pedagogy in Japan and for a repositioning of learners from ‘short-circuited’ semiotic consumers to ‘long-circuited’ semiosic participants. 相似文献
16.
Julius Jwan Lesley Anderson Nigel Bennett 《Journal of educational administration and history》2010,42(3):247-273
In this article we discuss students’, teachers’ and school principals’ perceptions of democratic school leadership reforms in Kenya. The article is based on a study that was conducted in two phases. In phase one (conducted between September and December 2007), interviews were undertaken with 12 school principals in which understandings of democratic school leadership were explored. These data were then used to develop a rationale for selecting the case schools. The second phase (conducted between January and April 2008) was an in‐depth case study of two schools. The findings reveal that school principals have made efforts to inculcate democratic school leadership by involving teachers in decision making on school matters. The principals also allow students to participate in matters such as election of prefects and holding class and house meetings. However, most teachers and principals do not support what they referred to as ‘full democracy’ for students and instead prefer what they called ‘partial democracy’ based on historical and cultural factors. 相似文献
17.
日本高等教育质量与数量的均衡发展 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
自日本近代学制产生以来,高等教育内部便出现了两种不同的教育理念、教育体系及教育财政拨款制度,从而形成了高等教育办学主体的二元结构。这一结构特征有效地解决了日本高等教育数量与质量二者的关系,使战后日本高等教育得以均衡、协调发展。日本高等教育办学主体的二元结构的构成,为后发性国家高等教育数量与质量的均衡、协调发展提供了借鉴。 相似文献
18.
Ángela Saiz-Linares Carlos Rodríguez-Hoyos Teresa Susinos-Rada 《British Educational Research Journal》2019,45(1):83-98
The objective of this study [Susinos, T. (Dir.), ‘Schools moving towards inclusion: Learning from the local community, the student voice and educational support’ (I+D+I, EDU2011-29928-C03-03)] is to gain a deeper understanding of the analysis of the discourses that different education professionals in the Spanish education system have on student participation in schools, based on the premise that they tacitly reflect different models of democracy and advance very diverse school practices. The study is based on the Student Voice Movement, which is defined by its commitment to deliberative democratic education and its role in the development of inclusive schools. In this article, we have conducted a qualitative analysis of the data from 31 in-depth interviews carried out with teachers and other education professionals from nine schools. These teachers’ discourses are summarised in four dimensions, which we have named individual, pedagogical, organisational and socio-political. Some conclusions of this work demonstrate a predominance of discourses linked to an individual and pedagogical dimension of participation, based on the idea that this fundamentally depends on the personal dispositions that some students have. It is less common to appeal to the socio-political dimension, which refers to participation as a citizen's right to debate and make decisions regarding common and public affairs. This suggests that teachers still see their work from a technical point of view, rather than envisaging the school as a space for democratic participation and practice. In short, with this study we aim to contribute to normative theories on participation and democracy in order to expand their empirical and practical support in schools. 相似文献
19.
Margaret Mehl 《History of education》2013,42(4):525-543
Obara Kuniyoshi, a leading representative in Japan’s New Education movement in the early twentieth century, founded his own private school, Tamagawa Gakuen, in 1929. Although his educational philosophy owes more to contemporary Western ideas about educational reform than to Japan’s educational heritage, Obara throughout his life invoked the juku, a type of private academy prevalent in Japan until the late nineteenth century, and made ‘juku education’ one of his principles. This case study examines Obara’s ‘juku‐myth’ both in the context of Obara’s educational thought and achievements and in the context of recent discussions about collective memory as a historical reality in its own right. 相似文献
20.
The esteem historically attributed to the teaching profession in Japan is eroding, and some Japanese teachers who identify with the ideal of being a ‘life educator’ are becoming disillusioned with teaching. While the stress and anxiety associated with teacher disillusionment have been researched from a Western perspective, little is known about the work-related stress and anxiety experiences of Japanese teachers. Thus, this grounded theory qualitatively details the teaching experiences of 14 Japanese high school teachers. The findings reveal that whereas only two teachers within the present study had actually achieved a ‘space in their heart’ where they were able to create a balance between the negative and positive forces operating within their teaching careers and home lives, this was a position that many other teachers strove toward. 相似文献