共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 171 毫秒
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张则桐 《烟台师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2008,(2):32-34
张岱在《石匮书》、《石匮书后集》中系统阐述了他关于晚明党争的观点,主要包括：晚明党争的起源、晚明党争的危害、宽宥阉党。张岱的晚明党争论与他的家族渊源、地域政治背景和学术精神密切相关。 相似文献
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本文详细论述了秦少游贬郴州期间所写的诗词,是他这段时间生活和精神面貌的真实写照,也是他遭贬滴受迫害的思想感情的自然流露。这些诗词系统地反映了失意文人贬郴州的心迹,而又表现得那样真切感人。它从一个侧面真实地反映了北宋后期新旧党争给正直的知识分子带来的深重灾难,触及了这一时期重大政治。因此,这些作品是值得珍视的。 相似文献
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刘鹤岩 《锦州师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2008,(1):48-54
晚明时期,朝廷内部日益激烈的党争,成为晚明政治生活中的一个中心主题。党争是明朝衰败直至灭亡的重要原因之一,成书于清顺治年间的《樵史通俗演义》,是以记叙晚明历史为主要内容的作品,党争是其有意识反映的重要主题。《樵史通俗演义》描述明代党争过程全面而详细,评价党争的态度相对客观而公正。尽管该书在史实叙述中存在着一些偏颇和失实之处。但在反映晚明党争方面堪称是一部全景式的集大成之作。 相似文献
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张黎辉 《周口师范学院学报》2007,24(1):69-72
从李德裕的施政政策和唐宣宗的爱好、经历及加强皇权措施的对比分析看,李德裕与唐宣宗暗存着不可调和的矛盾——李德裕位高权重严重威胁着唐宣宗的统治。唐宣宗为加强皇权,将李德裕贬死崖州,李党亦随之倒台,这说明皇权掌控着宰相的命运和牛李党争的结局。 相似文献
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陈建锋 《乐山师范学院学报》2011,26(1):16-18
苏轼贬琼期间整理和完成了一系列作品,其中包括《东坡易传》,该书主要体现了苏轼对《周易》的理解,《周易》也为苏轼指导自己贬琼期间的人生哲学。《周易》同人卦认为,同天下人首要在于君子正道,即要刚健、文明、中正。其次,需要分层次地＂同人＂,力求心性倾同。苏轼贬琼期间能够做到中正诚同,实则是他坚持《周易》人生哲学的结果,也为他度过在海南艰难困苦的贬谪生活起着重要作用。 相似文献
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陈友良 《语文月刊(学术综合版)》2008,(3):13-13
秦观（1049—11001,字少游,一字太虚,号淮海居士,江苏高邮人。“苏门四学士”之一,最受苏轼赏识。曾任秘书省正字,兼国史院编修等职。由于卷入新旧党争．始出为杭州通判。既而因御史刘拯告他增损神宗实录,贬监处州酒税,再以写佛书被罪,贬徙郴州（今湖南郴县）,并削去了所有的官爵和俸禄。宋哲宗绍圣四年（1097）,秦观在郴州写作了此词,抒发贬谪之恨。 相似文献
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种剑德 《黑龙江教育学院学报》2008,(5)
"《春秋》贵义而不贵惠,信道而不信邪。"这是《梁传》对《春秋》的总体认识,也是《梁传》解释《春秋》的立足点和指导思想。在三传中,《梁传》对《春秋》日期书写原则的解释是最详细的,这是《梁传》区别于其他二传的特点之一。《梁传》认为《春秋》通过日期的书与不书来表示常态、褒或贬,符合义与道的则褒,贵惠与信邪的则贬。 相似文献
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Anne Burke 《Teacher Development》2017,21(2):269-287
This article shares teachers’ conversations within teacher inquiry groups and considers how this reflective approach has potential for transforming teachers’ practices. Conversations took place at the early stages of a longer teacher inquiry project and centred on the critical interrogation of social justice-oriented children’s literature. These conversations served as a forum to help teacher professional learning communities and to reconcile understandings about social justice, action and agency within larger political and cultural forums of teaching. The teacher inquiry sessions shared in this paper explore teachers’ beginning struggles with conceptualizations of social justice, and the teacher’s role in imparting values to students. Teacher participants imparted their experience and practice as they negotiated their own understanding and implementation of social justice education in their schools. The teacher inquiry groups provided a needed supportive space where classroom teachers’ struggles were shared alongside their beliefs and pedagogical approaches so that a social justice agenda could be achieved. 相似文献
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Madeleine Arnot 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1991,12(4):447-466
According to the Conservative Party, the ‘age of egalitarianism is now over’. This article explores the development of egalitarianism in the United Kingdom in the last decade and the threat represented by the Education Reform Act 1988. It focuses on the political struggles over gender and ‘race’ equality in education since the significance of these struggles appears to have been neglected in current reassessments of social democracy. Teacher autonomy, child‐centred learning and freedom of curriculum choice, as defined by social democracy, have been challenged by campaigns for social equality. Yet calls for increased state intervention and more coercive strategies of reform were not conducive to a participatory democratic order. The analysis, therefore, demonstrates the tensions between equality and democracy as political goals within advanced capitalist societies, and suggests that not only liberal, but also the egalitarian approaches of the 1980s require critical re‐evaluation. 相似文献
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Shu‐Ching Lee 《Gender and education》2011,23(1):47-58
The dramatic changes during the past 20 years in Taiwan offer a good example of how gender policy in education is facilitated by a combination of interrelated economic, political and social forces. Taiwan’s policy on gender education emerged from the interaction of state, education, academic and non‐academic feminist positions in reforms. This paper demonstrates – first, the importance of the socio‐political contexts in which reform was proposed, and second, the actions of feminists in making best use of the opportunities thrown up by a confluence of social factors. The social, economic and political transformations of the 1980s saw the rise of a ‘new’ state both supposedly and in reality more responsive to the needs of non‐profit organisations. In testing out relationships of partnership with the state, feminist activists saw the deregulation of education as an opportunity to get women’s issues on the agenda. These reforms were catalysed by a series of social events bringing together supporters in a mood of celebration, protest or mourning specifically in response to particular events. The struggles, contentions, and negotiations that underlay the eventual approval of gender reform in education are illustrated. 相似文献
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Peter Piazza 《教育政策杂志》2017,32(2):211-233
This paper explores changes to the educational policy-making arena through case study analysis of a Massachusetts law passed in 2012 that limits seniority-based job protections for public K-12 teachers. I use data from interviews with policy stakeholders, observations of public meetings, and policy artifacts to explore struggles over democratic engagement in what unfolded as a highly undemocratic policy development process. Using the policy cycle framework, I explore the ways that political pressure and political discourses shaped the policy development process through various contexts of political struggle. Ultimately, I argue that the case is indicative of what I am calling ‘neo-democratic’ decision-making, in which high-level interest group conflict leads to narrow forms of democratic engagement. 相似文献
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David Gillborn 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1994,15(2):147-164
At a time when almost every area of social policy in the UK is undergoing a period of radical ‘top‐down’ reform, several writers have identified a key role for ethnographic research, which examines the social processes through which macro changes in structure and funding are experienced and reconstructed at the micro level. This paper presents one such study. Empirical data are used to chart the complex, interconnected processes through which national reforms helped destroy the previous balance of micro‐political power in a school, ultimately leading to fundamental changes in policy and practice in a previously ‘progressive’ comprehensive. The school's fate highlights the importance of micro‐political power, but also compels us to consider the wider forces at work on the school The teachers’ micro‐political struggles make sense only when viewed against the backdrop of sweeping conservative reform at the macro level. 相似文献
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黄贤忠 《合肥教育学院学报》2009,(4):50-54
考察唐传奇的时代背景和其他传奇作者的影射习惯以及元稹的生平和崔莺莺的姓氏,我们有理由相信《莺莺传》可能是一部具有现实暗寓的作品,崔莺莺的家世境遇和她的姓氏可能是对唐代山东士族衰落的社会政治地位的真实写照。这种衰落主要是由于唐代的政治斗争中山东士族、关陇士族、新兴进士阶层和宦官集团等政治力量的较量和变化,山东士族虽然享有很好的社会声望,但作为一个传统的政治集团,在各种政治力量的打击下,自中唐以后彻底走向了没落。考察元稹的家世和仕途经历,发现他与山东士族存在着错综复杂的关系纠葛,而这一点也表现在张生对崔莺莺的态度上。 相似文献
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Informed largely by Affect theory (2004), this paper takes up ‘reflexivities of discomfort’ to reflexively engage with my affective struggles as a Christian, heterosexual, mother, educator, undertaking a study on homosexuality, which is a thorny issue in Uganda. It a methodological prologue, reflecting my thoughts and struggles before I undertake the study. My purpose is not to find solutions, but to lay bare some anxieties and ambivalences, also suggesting the limits of reflexivity. The paper begins with an autobiographical narrative about school in relation to (homo)sexuality. This is followed by an exposition of Uganda’s Anti-homosexuality Bill; my use of reflexivity and affect to inform my affective struggles; my background as it relates to sexuality, providing insights into my researcher positionality. I then engage with moments imbued with high affective/emotive intensity in my preparation to undertake the study. 相似文献
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张杰 《宁波大学学报(教育科学版)》2012,(4):107-110
文章在对大学生非正式群体内涵进行深入探讨的基础上,指出大学生非正式群体具有行为约束无形化、群体行为一致性、核心人物具有权威性、群体具有开放性和排他性等四方面特征;进而分析了非正式群体及其小集体主义倾向、排他性和核心人物的态度和行为取向对学生思想政治教育工作造成的影响;最后,文章从四个方面对在大学生非正式群体中开展思想政治教育工作提出了建议。 相似文献
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This paper reports on an interview‐based study which explored the implementation of a major policy initiative in Queensland, Australia, with particular attention to social justice issues. Interviews were conducted with key policy actors in three sections of the bureaucracy: strategic directions, performance and measurement; curriculum and assessment; workforce and professional development. We were interested in the ways in which the tensions between redistributive and recognitive approaches to social justice were being managed in the bureaucracy. We drew on Bourdieu’s concepts of field, logic of practice, political discourse, habitus, capital, and symbolic power struggles to theorize the politics of discourse associated with such policy implementation processes within bureaucracies. The interview data revealed differences in approach to equity issues and in the language used in the three sections of the bureaucracy. We argue that these differences, associated with the different priorities of the three sections and their differing roles in the implementation processes, reflect the different logics of practice operating within the different sections. The final section of the paper discusses the implications of the analysis for theorizing equity and difference in education policy in new times and considers the value of Bourdieu’s concepts for theorizing policy implementation processes. 相似文献
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Huriya Jabbar 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(6):751-772
As the city with the largest charter-school market share in the United States, New Orleans, Louisiana exemplifies market-oriented models in education. For a city that is so ‘drenched in the past,’ the reform movement in New Orleans typically neglects historical context, often dismissing the education system pre-Katrina as simply corrupt and dysfunctional. This is an incomplete story. While national narratives and news media tend to downplay these features, there is no local consensus on the reforms. There is mistrust on both sides of the debate, and a growing opposition movement, which arises from decades of racial and political struggles, corrupt public officials, and previous experiences with the state exerting power over locally elected school boards, which disenfranchised African-Americans in New Orleans in particular. Although the new, post-Katrina educational system significantly altered political dynamics, it has not eradicated politics altogether. In this paper, I conduct a policy history of education reforms in New Orleans, connecting the historical and political context to current reform efforts. As researchers evaluate the effectiveness of the new reforms in terms of student achievement, it is important also to examine their impacts on communities and the democratic control of schools, as well as how they reproduce or break from historical patterns of political struggle and inequality. 相似文献