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1.
Abstract

The Australian team that toured India in 1935/36 comprised atypical cricket personnel. Their cultural and social unorthodoxy contributed to the tour being shunned by cricket officialdom in Australia. Tour manager, Frank Tarrant’s method of team selection was meritocratic unlike that of customary cricket practice where social and cultural hierarchy informed team composition. This article outlines the unorthodox team composition and argues that the official cricket body objected to the exercise because of the professional nature of the tour, social (particularly class) discrimination and preconceptions of racial prejudices. The Maharaja of Patiala’s generous financing of the tour identified it as a definitively professional exercise and encouraged participation considering the precarious status of the global economy following the Great Depression. The goodwill between Australia and India evidenced on tour challenged cricket protocol and reflects a pragmatic and growing recognition that diplomatic and economic unity was desirable in light of the imminent dissolution of the British Empire.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

This article critiques the symbolism of the journey as a team of Australian cricketers voyaged to India in 1935 embarking on the first Australia cricket tour to the subcontinent. Travel and tourism theories explicate the reactions of the cricketers to the ambivalence of being neither home nor away. This article asks: what did the Australians learn about themselves, their home and their destination whilst in transit? The theme of transition, both physical and emotional, is the central focus of this study. The journey on the ship signifies the team’s last immersion (for the duration of the tour) within exclusively English structures and customs. The cricketers’ insecurity when faced with the looming unknown upon descending the gangplank into India is extrapolated from available sources. The influence of Frank Tarrant as leader and educator intensified in the artificial hermetic vacuum of the ship’s environment. The unceremonious departure scenes in Melbourne, Adelaide and Fremantle are described and contrasted with the formality of the arrival in Bombay; such contrasts epitomize and underpin the cultural differences encountered throughout the tour.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

This article critiques the Indian material culture located in present-day Pakistan pertaining to the inaugural Australian cricket tour to colonial India in 1935/36. The historical voice of the Indians is evident in the images and it is over the shoulders of the hosts of the tour that new perspectives emerge. It is culturally inappropriate to assume and evaluate how the locals felt about the visit of the Australian cricketers and the raison d’être of the tour. However, archives located in Pakistan provide a deeply subjective perspective. Goodwill and amicability reverberate through the photographs challenging conventional scholarship, which argues that Australian-Indian cricket is based on acrimony. The article concludes that despite the obvious and significant differences between the competing teams the tour experience minimized the racial divide between the Australian and the Indian cricketers.  相似文献   

4.
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5.
Abstract

In light of the absence of living participants, this article extrapolates what the Australian cricketers departing on the inaugural cricket tour of India in 1935 may have known about late colonial-era India. This article argues that the depiction of India by the British Empire was a consciously evoked and celebrated construct perpetuated by orthodox ideology and popular culture. Through a close analysis of press reportage it is determined that the Australian public, and the departing cricketers, were ignorant of accurate knowledge of Indian culture and politics. The Australian media’s portrayal of Kipling’s writings, Indian religious practices and Indian cinema is compared with the cricketers’ response to these themes. Correspondingly, the Indian communities’ knowledge of Australia through evaluating the, at times, propagandistic promotional material generated for the tour is also critiqued. It is argued that representations of the Australian cricketers and the populist depiction of Indian culture are correspondingly implausible and driven by idealized expectations and stereotypes of national identity.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

This article critiques the first Australian cricket tour of India in 1935/36 through a synthesis of history, theory and imagery, and argues that the photographic content provides invaluable and historically overlooked insight into the cricketers’ perspective. Employing this methodology is unorthodox in sports writing and is innovative in application. The photographs provide a rare and previously unobtainable glimpse into the everyday cultural life and practice of the tour, and deliver a subjective representation of the cricketers’ experience. The significance of the images is twofold: they function as proof to verify the Australians presence in India and they assist a cultural critique of the tour. The images reveal that the cricketers’ response to the colonial paradigm was multifaceted and hallmarked by ambiguity. Despite at times adhering to their anticipated civiliving and educating role as white touring cricketers, the Australian team also challenged colonial protocols and simultaneously demonstrated support for the nationalistic sentiments brewing in 1930s India.  相似文献   

7.
Greg Ryan 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(17):2123-2138
Abstract

This paper focuses generally on the history of women’s cricket during the earlier twentieth century, primarily on the 1934–35 England women’s cricket tour of Australia and New Zealand, and more so on the New Zealand dimension. The tour occurred at a critical time for women’s team sport in both countries in that from the 1920s consistent local and then national competitions brought continuity to previously fragmented activities. Hence the tour provides a useful barometer for a wide range of attitudes to sporting participation by women and reveals contrasts between Britain and Australasia. At the same time, there are specific attitudes to the playing of cricket by women that need to be explored. Here there are some obvious differences between accounts in dedicated women’s cricket sources and the specialist women’s press, both of which sought to encourage the game on its own terms, and those in sources with a broader scope and male-dominated editorship which were more inclined to trivialize and disparage women’s cricket and to judge it against the men’s game.  相似文献   

8.
《Sport in History》2013,33(1):17-31
Cricket is perhaps the quintessential English game, evoking images of green fields and dreaming spires. ‘No other game’, writes Hughes, ‘captures the peace and tranquillity of an English summer afternoon quite like cricket.’ 1 1. G. Hughes, ‘The Veil of War’, in South African Cricket Union, A Century of South Africa in Test and International Cricket (Johannesburg, 1989), pp. 14–15. Just as cricket speaks of England at peace, so too, perhaps because of Newbolt's much-quoted ‘Vitai Lampada’, was it bound up with England and the way she saw herself at war. Inevitably when war descended upon England and her colonies, cricketers rallied and were rallied to the ranks. And wherever the fight took them, cricket went too. The Duke of Wellington watched his guards playing cricket at Enghien a few days before Waterloo and on the day after the battle of Chernaya in the Crimea a match was played between the Guards division and the ‘Leg of Mutton Club’, a team of officers from other regiments.2 2. G. Hughes, ‘The Veil of War’, in South African Cricket Union, A Century of South Africa in Test and International Cricket (Johannesburg, 1989, p. 14.

The Anglo-Boer War of 1899–1902 was no different. Former teammates were forced onto opposing sides and some fine cricketers were killed. Yet on more than one occasion it was the game of cricket that crossed the conventional boundaries of politics and warfare. It is no surprise, then, that with the conflict coming at a time when cricket had already established itself within the colonies of Southern Africa, cricket and war should become inexorably linked.  相似文献   

9.
During the Japanese occupation of British Malaya and Southeast Asia from the years 1942 to 1945 there were reports of POWs being allowed to play cricket, football, rugby and basketball, as told by Kevin Blackburn in The Sportsmen of Changi published in 2012. This research about the sporting lives of a Governor and male European internees at Singapore's Changi prison is likely to be first detailed research on this topic. The authors depended mainly on four published diaries and 262 issues of the men's camp newspaper, Changi Guardian, to account for the male internees' casual and competitive cricket, football, hockey, volleyball, badminton, tennis and boxing matches that were played during internment. The Japanese Military Administration allowed the male internees to organize their daily lives and play games that they indulged in during the pre-War period as the British dominated the Singapore Cricket Club, Penang Cricket Club and Perak Club. The internees were able to play the various games and matches in spite of the limited food and sparse facilities. Many of the cricket and football games that were played were organized as inter-state, inter-club or league matches. These games were played with improvized equipment and rules.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

This article critiques photographs and material culture pertaining to the consumption of food and alcohol during the first Australian cricket tour of India in 1935/36. The artefacts—menus, seating plans and food advertisements—enable the present-day researcher to interpret the rapidly transforming political, cultural and sporting landscape as well as the internal dynamics of the tour. The archival objects function as links to the cricketers and are pivotal in interpreting the 1935/36 tour in light of the absence of living participants. Food and beverages represent a significant ethnographic difference and the cricketers’ response to the customs of culinary consumption in late-colonial India exposes broader societal sentiments and reflects imperial politicking. The Australian cricketers encountered bicultural culinary influences comprising the vestiges of British hegemony in combination with a new nationalistic indigenous influence.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

The year 1990 is pivotal in South African history. The liberation movements were unbanned, and Nelson Mandela was freed in the midst of a tour by Mike Gatting’s English rebel cricket team. The newly constituted National Sports Congress, which had the support of the African National Congress, was at the forefront of protests against the tour. For once, Ali Bacher and apartheid cricket were on the back foot. However, the NSC did a sudden volte-face by calling off protests and negotiating the end of the tour. One reason for this decision was that the NSC was made aware of Mandela’s imminent release and that sport would play a key role in creating a ‘stable’ environment. These moves and countermoves accelerated cricket “unity” and saw South African return to international cricket before the formal end of apartheid. This paper interrogates the consequences of cricket returning to the international fold in such haste. It is entitled ‘Nelson’ because in some cricket countries, the score of 111 is called Nelson, and there is a superstitious belief that a wicket would fall. With Mandela’s release, 1990 was the year in which apartheid’s wicket fell, though victory celebrations appear to have been premature.  相似文献   

12.
The 1900s saw two tours of the United Kingdom (UK) by a mixed race cricket team representing the West Indies. This paper argues that the tours were part of a concerted cultural campaign largely organized by the West India Committee to raise the profile of the British West Indian colonies in the Mother Country in the light of competition for favour among the settler colonies. It analyzes the selection of the team and its reception in the UK to argue that the existing literature has been mistaken in portraying the team to have been subject to consistent hostility due to the inclusion of black players in the touring party. Rather it is argued that the team of 1900 was largely welcomed as a truly representative West Indian team but that by 1906 a tightening of the definition of who could represent the empire on the sports field, influenced by the settlement of the South Africa War, meant that mixed race cricket would be rejected and the West Indians unjustly excluded from the Imperial Cricket Conference, which became an all whites club.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

Since 1786 the British occupied Penang, Malacca, and Singapore known as the Straits Settlements. They began indirect rule in Selangor, Perak, Negri Sembilan, and Pahang to form the Federated Malay States in 1896. Cricket and later, football was played by the military and European clubs like the Singapore Cricket Club, the Penang Cricket Club, Selangor Club Lake Club, and Perak Club. The Chinese and Malay in the Straits formed their clubs along ethnic lines. The outstation Malay States clubs of the Kajang Recreation Club, Klang Club, and Malay States Guides had a mixed team of European and Natives. The football tournaments in Singapore were exclusively for Europeans. While the Rodger Football Cup in Selangor was for various non-European teams located in the many districts around Kuala Lumpur. After the railway lines began linking in land towns of Kuala Lumpur, Taiping to Seremban to their respective ports, football teams travelled to other settlements to play matches, facilitating the growth of inter-settlement matches. It enabled the Federated Malay States to organized the first inter-state league in 1899. The diffusion and transmission of football in the Malay States should be seen in context social and political changes in the Malaya Peninsula and its economic growth.  相似文献   

14.
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15.
Until recently, Australia's cricketing past has been coloured by an anglocentric bias. Australian cricket writers, players and administrators mainly have deemed Australian series with subcontinental countries of much lesser importance than Ashes contests. In surveying Australia's cricketing relations with the subcontinent from the 1880s until Australia's first fully fledged official tour of the region in 1959–1960, this paper seeks to redress this imbalance. The paper explores how initial cricketing relations were viewed within the prism of Australia's traditional cricketing ties with England. This did not alter with India's attaining official Test match status in the 1930s. Australian tours of India were confined to unofficial teams, and it was not until 1947–1948 that the first official exchange occurred. As this paper documents, the importance of subcontinental cricket tours increased after the war, as both Labor and Liberal Coalition governments encouraged the use of cricket to foster diplomatic ties at a time of increasing decolonisation and when Indian and Australian external relations were ideologically opposed. The governments' efforts were not fully supported by many Australian cricketers and administrators. While some, such as the Australian captain Ian Johnson, embraced cricketing diplomacy, many of his colleagues coloured these new cricketing worlds with old Australian prejudices.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

This article analyses the near-impossibility, for the duration of the amateur-professional divide, of cricketers born into working-class families being admitted to amateur status and, thus, to county captaincy, in the English first-class game. Its principal argument is that the hegemony achieved in the latter half of the nineteenth century by the English upper class (the aristocracy, major landowners and leaders of financial capital and their families) had one of its most visible manifestations in the culture of first-class cricket. The hegemony of this group (represented by the Marylebone Cricket Club) was sustained by a specific myth of amateurism that was rooted in caste-like social relations. By the late 1930s these relations had become unsustainable and hegemony was maintained by a subtle and unacknowledged switch to relations of class. The article charts this process, using four case studies of working-class professional cricketers, each of which brought the ideological reality of the amateur myth into sharp relief.  相似文献   

17.
The emergence of India as the financial and spiritual heart of world cricket in the 1990s is intrinsically linked to India's satellite TV revolution in the same period. The 1990s began with just one Indian television channel – the state owned Doordarshan – but by 2006, Indian viewers were remote-controlling their way through more than 300 private satellite television channels. While the reasons for this phenomenal growth of the television industry are varied and complex, cricket has played a central role in the story. This paper will outline Indian satellite television's linkages with cricket and what they mean for notions of identity and expressions of Indian nationhood. In particular, it focuses on India's 24-hour television news networks – there are more than 50 in 14 languages. Unlike any other country in the world, the Indian television news industry has consciously ridden on cricket's shoulders to such an extent that by 2006, cricket-oriented programming accounted for the greatest expenditure in news gathering and the greatest visibility across most news channels. Television producers looked towards cricket because of its indelible link with what might be called Indian-ness, but their focus on the game, in turn, substantially redefined and reinforced these linkages.  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

We compared the movement patterns of cricketers in different playing positions across three formats of cricket (Twenty20, One Day, multi-day matches). Cricket Australia Centre of Excellence cricketers (n = 42) from five positions (batting, fast bowling, spin bowling, wicketkeeping, and fielding) had their movement patterns (walk, jog, run, stride, and sprint) quantified by global positioning system (GPS) technology over two seasons. Marked differences in movement patterns were evident between positions and game formats, with fast bowlers undertaking the greatest workload of any position in cricket. Fast bowlers sprinted twice as often, covered over three times the distance sprinting, with much smaller work-to-recovery ratios than other positions. Fast bowlers during multi-day matches covered 22.6 ± 4.0 km (mean ± s) total distance in a day (1.4 ± 0.9 km in sprinting). In comparison, wicketkeepers rarely sprinted, despite still covering a daily total distance of 16.6 ± 2.1 km. Overall, One Day and Twenty20 cricket required ～50 to 100% more sprinting per hour than multi-day matches. However, multi-day cricket's longer duration resulted in 16–130% more sprinting per day. In summary, the shorter formats (Twenty20 and One Day) are more intensive per unit of time, but multi-day cricket has a greater overall physical load.  相似文献   

19.
Cricket and entertainment in India have been inextricably connected deeper and wider than is acknowledged by commentators. They have successfully exploited one another's positive image to intensify their appeal, brand value and consumption potential. This article examines the significance of this convergence of cricket and entertainment within a historical framework, focusing principally on Bollywood's use of cricket as a strategy to maximise publicity. The history of cricket's appropriation for promotional campaigns provides an entry into the cultural modes of cricket's interaction with other forms of leisure, exploring the limits and excesses of promotion and dispelling myths of cricket's pre-eminence as a recent phenomenon. In the first two sections, the article analyses the appearance of cricketers in advertisement, promotional events, films and television serials. In the next two, it explores how entertainment personalities have used the medium of cricket for promoting themselves as leisure products. By examining the agency of cricket and entertainment as constitutively contributing to the ever morphing practices of this consumer culture, the article registers the entanglement between aesthetic and commercial imperatives in the capitalist/personal enterprise of publicity in modern India.  相似文献   

20.
This paper examines the eight-month 1904–1905 Indian tour of world-renowned strongman and physical culture pioneer Eugen Sandow, which occurred as nationalism surged and Japan shockingly defeated Russia during the Russo-Japanese War. Using Sandow’s writings, numerous newspaper accounts and several fascinating Indian texts it penetrates beyond Sandow’s claims that he ‘learnt little’ in the subcontinent to explore processes of cultural exchange despite the power imbalances inherent in the colonial context. The paper provides details about Sandow’s itinerary, shows and reception in key cities such as Calcutta, Bombay and Madras between October 1904 and June 1905, when the strongman headed further east to the Straits Settlements and China, but it also reveals the voices of Indian physical culture practitioners, including wrestlers and pahlwans such as Ramamurti Naidu – the ‘Indian Sandow’ – who repeatedly challenged Sandow. The paper suggests that through the careful reading of a variety of sources it is even possible to glimpse moments of recognition and respect between Sandow and Indian strongmen or physical culturists. In Sandow’s case this was particularly apparent in his use of Indian knowledge to produce a new health product named ‘Sandow’s Concentrated Embrocation’ following his stay in India.  相似文献   

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