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1.
ABSTRACTThis paper draws upon learning from three action research projects conducted as part of a Europe-wide project exploring young people’s social and political participation. Challenging dominant discourses about what ‘counts’ as participation and what does not, the paper explores how, through the action research projects, young people engaged in knowledge democracy in ‘new democratic arenas’. Building upon experiential knowing and creating knowledge and learning through practice, the young people explored their own democratic knowledge production, communication and engagement within a context of shifting discourses of participation, democratic engagement and active citizenship. The increasing preference of young people for more informal forms of participation as lived practice reflects a shift to young people constructing their own modes of participation and ‘remaking democracy’ in their own vision and according to their own needs. By working outside of the confines of normative assumptions of democratic practice and participation, young people exercised their own ‘political’ agency in response to their own priorities, interests and concerns and, in doing so, illustrated that new forms, understandings and practices of knowledge democracy can emerge that reflect the promise of inclusive democratic societies more meaningfully. 相似文献
2.
“立德树人”是高等教育的根本任务,但目前思想政治教育践行“立德树人”价值观的动力不强。因此,应建立长效机制,提升思想政治教育意识;创建富有特色的思想政治教育模式,体现人文关怀;构建立体网络,全方位育人;净化网络环境,培养“网络红军”,以提升高校学生的幸福感,完成高等教育的根本任务。 相似文献
3.
This paper moves from a reading of processes that are transforming public services in ways that amount to a dismantling of the welfare state in the UK. In order to interrogate these processes, the paper focuses on ‘youth’ and ‘youth services’. Framed by an analysis of the aggressive disinvestment of ‘austerity’, we take up Deleuze and Guattari’s notion of the assemblage as a tool to map and understand the apparently disparate factors or components that come together to produce a ‘youth service assemblage’ and its disassembly and reassembly. As we do this we demonstrate the usefulness of assemblage as way of encountering the productivity of relations across components and avoiding an account that over-states the force or scope of ‘policy’. The paper concludes that by analysing in terms of assemblage, new challenges for thinking about politics emerge, in particular the limits of thinking in terms of a resistant political subject and the need to engage ambiguity. 相似文献
4.
加强大学生公民意识教育是社会主义民主政治建设的现实需要,也是整个公民意识教育工程的重要组成部分,在＂思想道德修养与法律基础＂课教学中利用教学内容进行公民意识教育符合我国目前大学生思想政治教育实际的客观要求,这对于提升思想政治理论课的思想性和实效性也有重要的意义。在＂思想道德修养与法律基础＂课教学中进行公民意识教育,可以采取案例式教学模式和互动式教学模式。 相似文献
5.
NAOKO SAITO 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2011,45(1):95-109
In the practice of education and educational reforms today ‘meritocracy’ is a prevalent mode of thinking and discourse. Behind political and economic debates over the just distribution of education benefits, other kinds of philosophical issues, concerning the question of democracy, await to be addressed. As a means of evoking a language more subtle than what is offered by political and economic solutions, I shall discuss Ralph Waldo Emerson's idea of perfectionism, particularly his ideas of the ‘gleam of light’ and ‘genius’, as an alternative mode of thinking of human power. Through this Emersonian lens, a provocative shift will be made from meritocracy and ‘mediocracy’ to aristocracy. Emersonian aristocracy destabilizes balanced measures and prevailing discourse about fairness and justice, and makes us reconsider how to achieve a just society in democracy. As an educational implication, I shall propose the idea of citizenship without inclusion—a vision of education for a democratic society in which we learn to live as and with the Great Man. 相似文献
6.
论高校网络思想政治教育话语失当及回归 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
网络思想政治教育已经成为高校思想政治教育的一块不可或缺的阵地,抢占网络思想政治教育阵地,关键在于掌握并合理运用网络思想政治教育的话语。当前,高校网络思想政治教育存在着话语失当现象,表现为教育话语剥离了学生的生活实际、教育话语模式呈现滞后性、教育主体关系上表现出了强权威和弱民主的缺点等问题。深入分析其原因,使思想政治教育... 相似文献
7.
Joel Windle 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2017,21(11):1128-1141
ABSTRACTThis article analyses some ways in which racialising discourses around refugees interact with the spatial and social dynamics of marketised schooling. It identifies conflicting discourses that contribute to the polarisation of school social composition and resourcing in the Australian state of Victoria. Media narratives around ‘ethnic’ gangs contribute to wider discourses surrounding working-class neighbourhoods and schools as dangerous and violent ‘hotspots’. At the same time, some elite private schools discursively produce themselves as providing a ladder of opportunity for talented and deserving refugee youth, offering volunteer tutoring and scholarships. These discourses work together to legitimate the funding of socially exclusive sites at twice the rate of the schools that cater to virtually all refugee-background students. The article draws on critical discourse analysis, based on media reporting on refugees, and interviews with parents selecting a secondary school for their children. The findings have implications for the management of school choice as a policy framework, suggesting that its exclusionary effects are heightened in the context of intense media and political attention to refugees as racialised subjects. 相似文献
8.
随着新媒体的发展和进步,高校思想政治教育进入了一个新时代.新媒体时代的来临深刻地改变着人们的生活与学习,尤为突出的是全面影响了当代青年的思维模式,这给高校开展思想政治教育工作带来了新的机遇和挑战.在新媒体背景下,应遵循思想政治教育话语的发展规律,注重坚定政治立场、转变教育理念、提高媒介素养、创新表达形式、优化话语内容、... 相似文献
9.
青年农民政治参与的制约因素与对策 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
时树菁 《南阳师范学院学报》2008,7(5):11-13
青年农民政治参与是农村基层民主政治建设的重要内容,现阶段青年农民政治参与呈现政治参与和政治冷漠并存,参与意识强但参与能力低,制度参与和非制度参与并存,参与的政治取向和利益取向并存等一系列特点。影响青年农民政治参与的因素包括经济因素、政治因素和文化因素。提高青年农民政治参与必须大力发展农村经济,深化农村改革;转变政府职能,完善参与机制;加强农村文化和法制建设,充分发挥广大传媒的作用。 相似文献
10.
Ian McGimpsey 《教育政策杂志》2018,33(2):226-242
The language of austerity has been widely used to characterize policy-making in post-industrial nations since the financial crisis. Youth services in England are a noted example of the effects of austerity, having suffered rapid and severe cuts following a period of record investment prior to 2008. In this article, I argue that ‘austerity’ is an inadequate conceptual basis for critical analysis of policy-making since 2008, and that youth services are better understood as an exemplar case of the reforming effects of a ‘late neoliberal regime’. The late neoliberal regime describes a regulation of production through a finance capital imaginary, as distinct from the productive capital imaginary of the quasi-marketising neoliberal regime. I argue that late neoliberalism has effected the disassembly of quasi-marketised youth services and simultaneously the emergence of a new youth sector founded on norms of investment and return. I trace the reforming force of this regime through the productive relations of capital distributions, policy discourse, and organizational forms. 相似文献
11.
Joff P. N. Bradley 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2020,52(4):443-454
AbstractAt first glance a Russian anarchist’s revolutionary address to the youth of his day made in the late 19th century and the address to youth made by a contemporary French philosopher may appear to have little in common as their context and era are ostensibly very different. How would Petr Kropotkin’s address be understood in our time? Are Kropotkin’s concerns the same as those raised by Bernard Stiegler? Could Kropotkin speak of universal concerns, a sense of elevation and sublimation not governed, undermined or circumvented by digital relations, calculation or algorithmic determination? I find a mutual concern with the coming into maturity of youth, but, I am concerned that as we are passing through an epochal and revolutionary transformation driven by digital and cognitive capitalism and in our toxic and crisis-ridden milieu, Kropotkin’s rhetoric would inevitably fall on deaf ears? Is his rhetoric on revolution anachronistic? How would his rhetoric be crafted for a youth seemingly indifferent to the plight of fellow brethren? Is it conceivable that the humanist-inflected prospects of youth so vaunted by Kropotkin have now been devastated by the inhuman and nihilistic tendencies of the so-called miscreant, ‘blank generation’ as described by Stiegler? True, while it is difficult to calibrate the vision of youth affirmed in Kropotkin with the fear of youth in Stiegler, and, despite differences in episteme, tradition and political orientation, both thinkers I think are concerned with the trials and tribulations of youth and both hold out the prospect of the not-yet of youth, of the coming into being of the maturity of youth, of Aufklärung. It is this shared focus I wish to examine further. 相似文献
12.
Leah S. Stauber 《International journal of qualitative studies in education》2017,30(6):560-575
What happens when a team of university education researchers initiates a social justice learning project in a local high school, and – despite the overall project’s considerable successes in cultivating students’ critical political ‘voice’ – is confounded by the periodic, apparent ‘silences’ of some of its young female students? Drawing on eight years of fieldwork in a groundbreaking high school social justice education classroom, this article examines the presumptions inherent in certain forms of social justice pedagogy, and the ways in which ensuing classroom disjunctures may, in fact, lead to deeper insights about education for youth critical social consciousness. The article focuses on two, interrelated issues: the unsettling and sometimes confounding ‘silences’ of female students and the correlation between such silences and social justice educators’ attenuated ability to recognize and support the myriad ways in which minority female students may encounter, negotiate, and articulate their own particular forms of Freirian conscientización. 相似文献
13.
Robert Muffoletto 《Technology, Pedagogy and Education》2013,22(1-2):139-153
ABSTRACT This paper suggests that the subject of school reform and technology in education needs to be considered as a discourse that needs to be ‘unpacked’ and analyzed from a social, historical, and cultural perspective. Unpacking the historical and current interests in educational reform in light of information and communication technologies is no simple matter. There are two basic challenges. First, we need to analyze the language of change and the context of school reform. Second, the discourse of school reform needs to placed within a context of history and political theory. In the end the paper asks the reader to consider who the ideological ‘we’ is when we talk about education and technology. 相似文献
14.
Amparo Gomez Rodriguez 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2019,55(3):470-492
ABSTRACTThis article explores the political, religious, and ideological backdrop to psychology and pedagogy under Franco’s dictatorship. To this end, it analyses the important research carried out between 1940 and 1944 by the psychologist and pedagogue José J. Jover y Piquer into the intelligence, mentality, and moral judgement of a large number of abandoned and vulnerable postwar children. The article demonstrates how, although the approach adopted by Piquer was a scientific one – with the usual aims, techniques, and methods – the research contents were subordinated to ideological and religious considerations and aimed to determine the extent to which these children could be re-educated and integrated into the new regime. Thus, psychology became the scientific packaging for studies that were eminently ideological and politically subservient, turning pedagogy into a key instrument of the biopolitics aimed at building Franco’s New Spain. 相似文献
15.
EUROPEAN CONSCIOUSNESS: TOWARDS DEFINING A COMPLEX CONCEPT AND ITS EDUCATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE – The present study aims at a definition of ‘European consciousness’. In particular, it draws on Henri Tajfel’s theory of social identity as well as Roland Wakenhut’s and Jutta Gallenmüller’s moral determination of national consciousness. European consciousness is then defined as a sense of belonging which, depending on certain identification structures and social perspectives, can take such distinct forms of moral consciousness as ‘Eurocentrism’, ‘European patriotism’, or ‘reflective European consciousness’. Making reference to Wolfgang Klafki’s notion of general education, it is finally argued that the emancipatory contribution of schooling to greater European integration consists in mediating precisely this last way of thinking. 相似文献
16.
吴云志 《辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,(3):307-310
邓小平非常重视青少年思想政治工作,他高屋建瓴地分析、阐述了青少年思想政治教育的作用、内容和方法等问题,形成了丰富的青少年思想政治教育思想。邓小平青少年思想政治教育思想是他关于思想政治教育理论的重要组成部分,其主要内容有六个方面:"学校应该永远把坚定正确的政治方向放在第一位""要对青年进行共产主义教育""要向全体青少年宣传高尚的道德""要用历史教育青年""法制教育要从娃娃抓起""都来关心青少年思想政治的进步"。邓小平青少年思想政治教育观为新时期加强和改进青少年思想政治工作指明了方向,奠定了坚实的思想基础,具有重要的理论意义和实践价值。 相似文献
17.
AbstractThis paper examines what to some is a well-worked furrow; the processes and outcomes involved in what is typically referred to as ‘marketization’ in the higher education sector. We do this through a case study of Newton University, where we reveal a rapid proliferation of market exchanges involving the administrative division of the university with the wider world. Our account of this process of ‘market making’ is developed in two (dialectically related) moves. First, we identify a range of market exchanges that have emerged in the context of wider ideological and political changes in the governance of higher education to make it a more globally competitive producer of knowledge, and a services sector. Second, we explore the ways in which making markets involve a considerable amount of microwork, such as the deployment of a range of framings, and socio-technical tools. Taken together, these market-making processes are recalibrating and remaking the structures, social relations and subjectivities, within and beyond the university and in turn reconstituting the university and the higher education sector. 相似文献
18.
《Journal of moral education》2012,41(3):173-185
This article presents a discussion of the political socialization literature and findings from two studies on the child's developing concept of leadership. Findings challenge the concept of democracy in school systems where all authority relations are based upon ‘constraint’. The author proposes that true cooperative teaching and learning styles should be integrated into the classroom. 相似文献
19.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(4):443-461
ABSTRACTIn Australia, like many western countries, there has been a convergence of education policy around a set of utilitarian and economistic approaches to vocational education and training in schools. Such approaches are based on the assumption that there is a direct relationship between national economic growth, productivity and human capital development resulting in the persuasive political argument that schools should be more closely aligned to the needs of the economy to better prepare ‘job ready’ workers. These common sense views resonate strongly in school communities where the problem of youth unemployment is most acute and students are deemed to be ‘at risk’, ‘disadvantaged’ or ‘disengaged’. This article starts from a different place by rejecting the fatalism and determinism of neoliberal ideology based on the assumption that students must simply ‘adapt’ to a precarious labour market. Whilst schools have a responsibility to prepare students for the world of work there is also a moral and political obligation to educate them extraordinarily well as democratic citizens. In conclusion, we draw on the experiences of young people themselves to identify a range of pedagogical conditions that need to be created and more widely sustained to support their career aspirations and life chances. 相似文献
20.
宋一平 《杨凌职业技术学院学报》2012,11(1):61-63
思想是行动的先导。一个没有创新意识的人,就不会有创新的行动和能力,他也就没有竞争力。未来的竞争是思想、知识、意识、创新的竞争。为此,作为普通的思想政治理论课教育工作者,在教学中要积极对学生进行创新意识和创造性思维的培养,开展以“转变学生的传统思维模式、培养实事求是、独立思考、勇于创新的科学精神”为目标的创新教育,它是思想政治理论课教育教学实施素质教育的核心。有什么样的思想就有什么样的行动,要使大学生成长为创新型人才,首先就要培养大学生创新意识。本文论述了思想政治理论课如何培养大学生的创新意识问题。 相似文献