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1.
余生七齡,即遭丙午之禍.四凶肆虐於上,狡童橫行於野.圖籍之厄,酷於秦火;師儒之運,淪爲元九.是時也,文化不毛之地,盡誦毛語;干載文明之邦,慘罹明夷.年十六,負耒耜於黃海之濱.  相似文献   

2.
正禮之起也,源於祀,源於俗,源於人之欲,抑源於物之易?論者莫衷一是者久矣。許愼謂"禮者,履也,所以事神致福",(《說文》)取諸形符之"示",是深得造字之本。禮必體履以見,康成云:"禮者,體也,履也。統之於心曰禮,踐而行之曰履。"(《左傳·昭公二十五年》疏引)其見之於體履者,若荀卿云:"禮者,以財物爲用,以貴賤爲文,以多少爲異,以隆殺爲要。文理繁,情用省,是禮之隆也。文理  相似文献   

3.
張伯偉 《中国文化》2012,(2):238-238
余生七龄,即遭丙午之祸。四凶肆虐於上,狡童横行於野。图籍之厄,酷於秦火;师儒之运,沦为元九。是时也,文化不毛之地,尽诵毛语;千载文明之邦,惨罹明夷。年十六,负耒耜於黄海之滨。耕作之隙,惟以读书为念,其奈无书可读。每观潮涨落,  相似文献   

4.
我们很难说马一浮弘扬儒家道德理想主义完全是出於维护传统的“发思古之幽情”。认定马一浮为简单的复古主义者,或赞美其不坠儒宗,实际上都失之粗糙,忽略了对其思想产生和形成情境的考察。事实上,马一浮把自己关联於传统,既包括情感因素,也是出於其理智上的抉择。其思想之所以出现、成熟於五四以後,不仅是中西文化冲突达到相当高潮的产物,而且还是对现代化进程总体反思和抉择的结果。  相似文献   

5.
禮的來源乃是多元而非一元,在這種多元來源當中,包括三個主要方面:第一,"化巫入禮",這是從巫到祭祀之路,禮最初來自巫,但是要經由祭祀的中介,祭祀是有特定規儀的,所以化成爲禮;第二,"禮源於俗",這是從俗到儀式之路,禮恰是集體性的民俗使然,民俗是有特定規矩的,所以化成爲禮;第三,"禮樂相濟",這是從樂到情感之路,由於承繼了禮樂合一的遠古傳統,由此,禮與情也是合一的,禮本身就葆有情。本文試圖把"禮源於巫"與"禮源於祭"的兩種觀點合而爲一,化作禮之"巫祭之源";與此同時,又試圖把"禮源於俗"與"禮源於情"的兩種觀點合而爲一,化作禮之"情俗之根"。中國禮樂文明之所以具有"情理合一"的大智慧,恰恰是源於這樣的歷史實情:禮來自於巫術的理性化,經由了祭祀的中介,但其中亦留了情;禮來自於民俗的規儀化,經遇了樂的環節,但其中亦有了情,這才塑造了中國人至今具有的那種"情理結構"。  相似文献   

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正禮之儀在數,陳俎豆、列方位,喪祭朝聘事也;禮之意在義,理人倫、燮陰陽,經天緯地事也。周公制禮,祝史行事,義存數中,隱而不彰。太史公曰"禮記自孔氏",其誰曰下然乎?予嘗思之,曩者七十子後學問禮於夫子也,趨而聞,退而記,於簡乎?於牘乎?於帛乎?若子張書諸紳乎?抑簡牘帛紳各隨其便歟?邈矣,今莫能指也。然以發掘所見,固已為人轉錄於簡牘而播傳於戰國間矣。始皇焚書,隱迹於山巗屋壁;漢惠廢律,充積之石渠天祿。高堂傳禮,獨在儀節;徐生善頌,徒能盤辟;迨及后蒼之著《曲臺》,德、聖之纂《戴記》,始  相似文献   

7.
趙園 《中国文化》2012,(2):158-171
本篇所考察的,是见之於士大夫记述的明清之际的婚姻状况。开於这一时期庶民的婚姻状况,小说较之士人文集,更便於取样。而士人的婚姻状况,仍不能不以士人的记述为主要依据。由今天的眼光看,两性关系,士夫未必较庶民“开放”;  相似文献   

8.
我對傳統中國文化的批判,可以説開始於80年代後期撰寫的<靈之舞--中西人格的表演性>一書,最初的書名叫<表演人生>,完稿於1987年.當時雖然正處於"文化熱"和"新啓蒙"的顛峰,但却没有哪個出版社願意出這本古裹八怪的書.書稿本是應江西人民出版社的約稿寫的,屬於<邊緣叢書>中的一本,但完稿後出版社突然食言,原計劃六本書只出了三本就不出了.拙稿就屬於被遺棄的一本,後來通過朋友交到另外一個出版社,但又在編輯手裹壓了兩年多,最後還是不出.  相似文献   

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《湯處於湯丘》是清華簡中五篇與伊尹相關文獻中的一篇。這五篇是一個整體,都和伊尹幫助商湯滅夏有關,反映出戰國早中期知識界關於伊尹思想的系統認識。《湯處於湯丘》借助"食烹之和"來闡述"和民"思想,認爲只有"和利萬民"才能强大商邦、順從天意、征伐夏桀。其"和"的觀念和表達方式與《國語》《左傳》《吕氏春秋》等文獻所載烹調之道及其治國理念屬於同一系列。通過與儒道兩家"和"思想的比較,可以發現《湯處於湯丘》更傾向於道家一些。  相似文献   

10.
湖湘之學自胡安國以來,可繼承之傳統有二:一爲經史之學,一爲性理之學。經史之學方面,可注意之焦點有二:一在重祝經史之學之當代性;另一,則是於歷史成敗之探討中,着重分析决定歷史發展走向之歷史人物及其影響。至於性理之學方面,則可分述爲二:就哲學系統之建構言,安國之以"不起不滅"爲心之體,"方起方滅"爲心之用,"心"爲無所不有,謂"物物致察而能一貫"有三境,以及合"操存"與"省察"爲一;凡此諸項觀點,確實具有於程颢、程頤之外,另闢一徑之空間。其後胡宏於"生成"義,説"性"之遍在,而仍於"終極"義,釋"性"爲"有限"之論法;乃至主張一切"存有"之内部,皆内涵一特殊之具有形上意義之"存有因素",此一特珠而遍在之因素,與"氣"之形構條件結合,形塑爲"性"、"心"展現於氣化整體之成因,從而有"性無善惡"、"心無死生"之表述,皆是一種企圖於宇宙構成論與存有學方面,向前推進之努力。其發展,并非無成功之可能。而在義理學方面,由胡安國"心"之體、用説,落實爲合"操存"與"省察"爲一;此一路向,發展至胡宏,有"智"、"仁"合一之論,乃至"聖人執天之機,惇叙五典,庸秩五禮"之説,亦是一大推進。所難者,在於其所建立之"心""理"合一之論,由"識仁"始,即須有一"能觀"之位置;此點對於一般儒者而言,不易理解,亦不易掌握。以張栻之爲胡宏高弟而不免爲朱子所動摇,僅殘餘一種"體用論"之諍議;即是顯示此項困難。張栻之後,湖湘弟子有從陳傅良、戴溪游者,而如胡大時,且猶疑於朱子、陸九淵之間;以是於性理之義,其學無得而再傳,亦是實情。故就朱子而言,得吕祖謙、張栻之助,乃其成學之歷程中,屬於積極之因素;然張栻因朱子而受注意,湖湘理學之傳,却亦因朱子、張栻之講論而逐漸模糊化。理學之成系,以歷史發展之結果論,實亦仍止有程朱、陸王之形成對峙,真正具有"導引"之力。故就"理學"之嚴格義言,湖湘之學乃發源於胡安國,拓展於胡宏;其功不專在胡宏。而張栻之不足以繼承其脉,乃湖湘之學雖仍重視性理,却無法形成明確之"學派特質",僅能憑借"議題關注點"之特殊走向,發展成爲地域性學風之原因。唯若就"儒學"之寬泛義而言,則湖湘之經、史,乃至其重視"性理"之觀點,歷元迄明,其風習不少衰,不僅支脉分衍各有傳承,其於南宋所形塑之若干特色,即於其後兼受陽明學之衝擊而複雜化,亦仍有所延續。特須另有大儒,出於其間,將之涵融而出新,乃能見出力量。明末王夫之之崛起於衡陽,於理學另創新局,彼受世變之激勵,由經而史,以之深透於性理,彼之所論,不僅具有一種變朱子之"静態形而上學"爲"動態論"之勢能,彼基於"歷史哲學"之觀點而提出之獨創之"理勢論",乃至於"事變"中見"人物",於"群體"與"個體"之關係中,辨析"事理"與"事理中之義理"之眼光,皆非已有之理學、心學之舊軌,所可概括。此點顯示:南宋以後,湖湘於儒學之積蘊,乃至彼所受多方文化因素之影響,實有其屬於一地之獨特性,值得重視。  相似文献   

11.
On June 28, 2007, approved by the 31st World Heritage Committee held inChristchurch, New Zealand, Kaiping Diaolou and villages were inscribed in the World Heritage List and became the 35th world heritage in China. They were also the first Chinese world heritage that reflects the culture of overseas Chinese. In fact, as early as June 25, 2001,  相似文献   

12.
Partly because the First Crusade had weakened the Seljuk Sultanate in 1097–1099, David III of Georgia was able to extend his power over much of the Caucasus. The rulers of the Crusader States who stood in need of Eastern Christian allies sought to co-operate with him. Yet although some Western knights served in his army, the practical difficulties of co-ordinating joint action against the Islamic powers of north Syria and Anatolia in the twelfth century proved insuperable. In the thirteenth century the Georgian crown offered an alliance to the leaders of the Fifth Crusade: their forces would attack the northern provinces of the Ayyūbid Empire while the crusaders were invading Egypt. This strategy was sound, but the rise of the Mongol Empire prevented it from being implemented. Nevertheless, the desire for military collaboration between Georgia and the Western powers persisted until the mid-fifteenth century.  相似文献   

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The research in this article examines audience responses to a range of factual and reality genres. It takes as a starting point that television audiences do not experience news or documentary or reality TV in isolation but as part of a range of factual and reality programmes. Factual and reality programming includes a broad understanding of non-fictional programming on broadcast television, satellite, cable and digital television. The breakdown of factual and reality programming into specific genres includes news, current affairs, documentary, and reality programmes, with further sub genres applied within each of these categories. This article critically examines genre evaluation. The quantitative research in this article is based on two national representative surveys conducted in Britain and Sweden. In both Britain and Sweden, programme makers have moved towards a reliance on popular factual genres. In Britain this is across all channels, and in Sweden this is mainly concentrated on commercial channels. Whilst there is still a commitment to news, there is an increasing use of hybrid genres in an attempt to popularise factual output. The impact of this changing generic environment on audiences is that in both countries viewers have reacted by drawing a line between traditional and contemporary factual genres. It is precisely because of the redrawing of the factual map that viewers rely on traditional ways of evaluating genres as public and informative, or popular and entertaining. The data provides evidence that contributes to existing debate on television genre, public service broadcasting, and media literacy skills. The central argument in this article is that genre evaluation is connected with wider socio-cultural discourses on public service broadcasting and popular culture, and that these are common social and cultural values that are shared by national audiences in two Northern European countries.  相似文献   

19.
一糕印、饼印、粿印形制各异、工艺精美,是颇为珍贵的民间艺术创作和文化创造。不仅代表着闽台两地的饮食文化,也反映两地的习俗信仰、节庆生活;同时也显现出艺术与生活结合为一体的传统风俗,在福建、台湾等地年节婚庆、敬神祭祖等传统民俗活动中都有广泛的传播。木制糕饼粿印模以雕刻的手法制作。  相似文献   

20.
The purpose of this study was to analyze the definitions of success and failure (achievement goals) and preferred means to goal attainment (achievement orientations) among male and female Anglo and Mexican-American high school students I athletes in sport and the classroom. Based on a recent conceptualization of achievement motivation, it was assumed that definitions of success and failure could be equated to personal characteristics, behaviors, or outcomes and reflect an emphasis on either effort or ability. Further, it was assumed that there are two major achievement orientations: In one, the means to goal attainment entail social comparison; in the second, goal attainment is processed according to mastery criteria. Results revealed cultural and sex differences in athletic goals. Anglo males were more likely to define sport success in terms of ability while Anglo females and Mexican-American athletes tended to equate athletic success to the demonstration of effort. The reverse was true for sport failure—Anglo males emphasized low effort while the other groups stressed low ability. Variations in preferred achievement orientations were also revealed. For example, in the athletic setting, females showed the least preference for sport success which reflected on the individual and involved social comparison. Males indicated the least preference for individual-oriented, social comparison-based athletic failure.  相似文献   

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