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2000年,英国中小学课程改革将公民教育作为国家法定科目正式引入中小学,其实施收到了很好的效果。然而,实践中也暴露出了一些问题。英国中小学公民教育的问题主要表现在两个方面：一是公民教育政策忽视了广泛的社会制度和环境：二是公民教育在学校实施层面存在着难以克服的困难。 相似文献
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公民教育在2002年已经成为英格兰中学阶段的国家法定课程。最近,在全英国,以至欧洲和全球范围内也正在开展类似的改革。我们考察了欧洲和全球背景下国家课程的发展,探究不断增长的内在支撑民主公民教育(EDC)的人权方面的国际共识;确立了一些小的主题开展研究,如:多元性与一元性、世界公民教育、作为公民的儿童、民主的学校教育、学生对民主和公民社会的理解、学校和社区的当代角色、欧洲公民身份、学校层面公民教育的实施,等等。 相似文献
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《课程教材教学研究(小教研究)》2008,(Z6)
英国2002年以后,英国的公民教育从属于义务教育阶段的国家必修课程,但大多数学校并未对这门课程给予足够的重视,造成英国很多学生在不同程度上缺乏公民认同感。目前,英国在学校教育中 相似文献
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公民教育是英国中学阶段国家课程的法定必修科目.英国的学校法制教育融入在公民教育课程之中,且被置于首要位置.其在教学内容的选择上侧重于与公民身份密切相关的法律,强调其对于公民意识养成的重要意义;教学方式灵活多样,尤以主动参与式教学最受欢迎.英国的学校法制教育能够有效利用社会法律资源,为学生提供富有意义的实践教学机会,对我国的学校法制教育极富启示作用. 相似文献
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从2002年9月起,英国的公民教育作为国家课程,已经成为中小学校的必修课目.事实上,英国的公民教育主要是通过个人、社会与健康教育(personal,social and health education简称PSHE)来进行的.政府规定,小学阶段公民教育主要在PSHE中进行.中学阶段,PSHE作为非法定科目配合进行公民教育.为辅助公民教育的开展,多数学校都设置了PSHE课程,其逐渐成为英国学校的一种德育课,其德育理念,渗透到了其他课程当中.可见,PSHE在英国公民教育中有着重要地位,对PSHE进行分析和思考,有助于我们更深刻了解英国公民教育的内涵,也将为我国中小学的公民教育提供一些启示. 相似文献
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当前我国的公民教育存在着一系列的弊端,在教育理念上,把思想品德与政治教育等同于公民教育;在学校教育课程设置上,缺乏对公民知识教育的系统规划和设计;在教学方法上,现行学校公民教育对公民政治能力培养的重视程度不够.目前,改革和完善我国的公民教育.应把重点放在加强权利意识教育上,同时科学、合理、系统规划和设置我国的学校公民教育课程. 相似文献
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基于社会主义核心价值观来理解民族地区教育扶贫,教育扶贫与社会主义核心价值观的国家、社会、公民三个层面紧密联系。从国家整体利益探究国家层面上对民族地区教育扶贫的定位,从教育功能探究社会层面上将社会价值取向具体化,在个人层面上使公民价值准则落实到每项教育扶贫工作之中。社会主义核心价值观是教育扶贫理念、目的、管理的指导思想,教育扶贫工作的建设实施是践行社会主义核心价值观的具体过程。对民族地区教育扶贫的社会主义核心价值观解读,学术意义上有利于丰富教育扶贫研究体系;实践意义上有利于加强民族地区政府、社会与学校之间的合作交流,发挥教育扶贫的地区稳定、共同富裕的功能。 相似文献
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《International Journal of Educational Research》2001,35(1):29-44
This chapter describes the study as it was conducted in Japan in three schools: a public, a private, and a university school in Sapporo City, Hokkaido prefecture. The results suggest that the civic education curriculum in all of the schools is based on that outlined in the Courses of Study published by the Ministry of Education. In addition to Civics classes, the curriculum includes school events and student council activities. With regard to the development of civic values, the analysis suggests that in the public and the private school, the implicit values encountered in everyday school life have a greater impact on students than do the explicit values outlined in the school precepts or civic education curriculum. In the university school “acting with decency” is regarded as important, both explicitly and implicitly. 相似文献
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我国当前小学教育阶段的公民教育不应与道德教育两分,同时要改变公民教育意识相对落后、公民教育措施不力的现状。小学的公民教育应该从学校、家庭和社会对公民教育的观念变革、借鉴国外先进的公民教育经验以及弘扬我国传统文化和教育思想中的精髓等方面进行改善,以提升我国国民素质并促进现代社会转型。 相似文献
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Kerry J. Kennedy Simon Jimenez Di Mayer Suzanne Mellor Janet Smith 《Asia Pacific Education Review》2002,3(1):69-82
Civic education has been a priority for many countries in the Asia Pacific region over the past decade. Governments of different
persuasions have recognized the need to provide stability and cohesion in their societies. This has been particularly so at
a time when globalization and other forces threaten to fragment the nation state and co-opt its citizens into broader realms
of allegiance and commitment.
Policy makers have not been slow to come up with new directions for civic education in the school curriculum and the literature
now abounds with examples from different countries. Yet missing from this flurry of policy development has been recognition
of the role that teachers play in constructing civic education programs at the school level. In the end, it is teachers in
classrooms who determine how centralized polices are understood and implemented.
Drawing on a sample of Australian teachers, the purpose of this paper is to highlight the role that teachers play in constructing
and reconstructing civic education policy in schools and classrooms. Interviews conducted with teachers in four Australian
States/Territories have revealed that teachers ’ personal views of civics are more likely to influence them than external
policies, their focus is more on citizenship than formal civics programs and that they are reluctant to develop programs where
civic knowledge is formalized and disciplined based.
The research reported in this paper was funded by the Australian Research Council (ARC). The views expressed are those of
the authors and not the ARC. 相似文献
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This article presents the results and an analysis of 1,728 survey responses from faculty at four top tier religious research universities regarding their support for moral and civic education. The results demonstrate that a majority of faculty members at these schools supported both the general goals of moral and civic education and specific suggestions for integrating moral and civic education into the curriculum. Nonetheless, three major concerns emerged about its actual implementation into the curriculum. 相似文献
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This article uses results from a cross-national analysis of the impact of varying approaches to civic education curriculum delivery on three learning outcomes, to draw conclusions about the value of a government-mandated compulsory, independent subject of civic education in the school curriculum. It starts from the context of Hong Kong, where there have been repeated calls for the government to reform civic education, and compares this context with that of England, where citizenship education was made a statutory subject in 2002. The article then examines from the cases of 25 societies whether a compulsory approach to and/or independent subject of civic education is associated with better learning of civic knowledge, knowledge of democracy, and patriotism. Finding that the impact of curricular approaches is somewhat negligible taking other factors into consideration, the article concludes that civic education reformers should consider the costs of limiting school autonomy in curriculum delivery. 相似文献
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Tesfaye Semela Thorsten Bohl Marc Kleinknecht 《International Journal of Educational Development》2013
After nearly two decades of military dictatorship, democratic civic education has been integrated into the Ethiopian school curriculum. This paper examines the policy–practice concordance in implementing the civic education curriculum based on empirical evidence generated on the philosophical underpinnings, curricular contents, pedagogical approaches, and the role of instructional technology. Data were gathered through a questionnaire survey on 179 randomly selected high school students, key informant teachers, and content analysis of students’ textbooks, teachers’ guides, and official policy documents. The findings reveal that the existing civic and ethical education curriculum is eclectic in its character blending the minimal interpretation of democratic civic education with the inclusive conception of ethno-cultural diversity relevant to multicultural societies. Nevertheless, the manner in which the TV-instruction is used in classrooms is found to hinder interactive learning that is instrumental to nurture democratic and active citizens. 相似文献
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进入21世纪以来,英国政府不断出台新的教育政策,进行了多次中学课程改革,对高中课程结构进行调整,强化国家课程的实施,不断改进和完善证书体系,加大教育投入,呈现出了明显的中央政府教育集权化的倾向。这些高中课程改革为提高英国中等教育水平、促进英国社会经济的发展做出了积极的贡献,但职业教育与学术性教育之间的分野十分明显,实现＂教育民主＂和＂教育公平＂的目标仍然任重而道远。 相似文献
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This article argues that the development of civic education in Hong Kong can be divided into three phases chronologically: (1) before 1984: “depoliticization” by the state and the school; (2) 1984‐1997: “politicization” of the intended curriculum; and (3) 1997 onwards: “re‐depoliticization” of civic education and official confirmation of nationalistic education. In general, for phases one and two, the development is described as moving from de‐politicization to politicization, in response to the political development of Hong Kong from a British colony towards the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of People's Republic of China. The article continues by exploring the third phase in detail with reference to the official document: Learning to Learn: Life‐long Learning and Whole‐person Development and the official speeches of the Chief Executive, Tung Chee Hwa. A phenomenon of re‐depoliticization of civic education is identified, together with a strong upheaval of nationalistic education. This leads civic education “back to square one"—"re‐depoliticized”. The article concludes by highlighting that the development of civic education in Hong Kong is a typical example of how civic education reflects the political context of the society. 相似文献
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英国教育界认为,隐性课程之于价值教育的意义,与显性课程同样重要,甚至更能有效实现并长久保持价值教育的目标。英国学校的价值教育,不仅力求课堂教学全面涵盖价值性内容,还主张模拟社会氛围创设校园生活,使学校的规章制度、政策声明及环境氛围彰显社会主流价值取向;此外,还主张通过课外活动、精神关怀、学校风气、教师角色和咨询指导等,潜移默化地影响学生的思想和行为,帮助其汲取个人经验,为将来的社会生活做准备。 相似文献