共查询到17条相似文献，搜索用时 750 毫秒
1.
王建波 《聊城师范学院学报》2011,(5):60-64
1995年加拿大魁北克省就主权问题第二次全民公投之后，魁北克人党担纲的魁北克分离主义渐入低潮；但是2007年后呈现回升之势。魁北克分离主义的社会基础是魁北克法裔族群，魁北克人党与魁北克自由党和加拿大联邦当局围绕法裔族群的社会文化利益进行博弈。2011年5月加拿大联邦大选之后，魁北克分离主义力量受到明显削弱，但其对加拿大国家政治稳定与和谐的潜在挑战和冲击仍然存在。 相似文献
2.
王建波 《烟台师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2010,(2):24-28
加拿大的魁北克人党从创建开始仅仅用了8年的时间,就赢得大选得以上台执政,标志着魁北克分离主义的赫然兴起。究其原因,魁北克人党良好的公众现象、比较中庸的民族主义追求和投合多元诉求的政纲使得魁北克人党对魁北克选民产生了广泛的吸引力。 相似文献
3.
王建波 《沈阳教育学院学报》2013,15(2):164-167
分析了加拿大魁北克人党的上台及其分离主义倾向,认为加拿大魁北克人党在当前任期内难以策动旨在推动魁北克分离的全民公投,今后则变数增多。在可预见的未来,魁北克在加拿大国家中的特殊权利和地位会向着进一步扩大的方向发展。 相似文献
4.
王建波 《五邑大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,14(3):46-49,93
魁北克分离主义一直是加拿大联邦政治的难题,即魁北克问题。加拿大双语框架下多元文化政策的实施,对于孤立和遏制魁北克分离主义势力功不可没,但魁北克问题并没有因此得到根本解决,某些方面甚至更加恶化。 相似文献
5.
魁北克问题与加拿大多元文化主义的缘起 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Han Jiabing 《历史教学(高校版)》2008,(3)
加拿大是一个多民族和多文化国家。多元文化形成过程既造成了加拿大文化丰富的多样性未来,同时也产生了不同文化间的矛盾和冲突。20世纪60年代,随着魁北克问题①的凸显,魁北克走上了脱离联邦的道路。为维护民族间的和谐与国家的统一,加拿大政府宣布实施多元文化主义政策。 相似文献
6.
《临沂师范学院学报》2013,(2):80-85
在野近10年的加拿大分离主义政党魁北克人党在魁北克省第40届大选中击败自由党,获得微弱多数。究其原因,自由党最近几年被腐败丑闻缠身,加上其右翼社会改革引发激烈争议,日益失信于民;魁北克人党在一直享有相当支持的基础上,全面出击,左右逢源,加上党魁个人魅力,所以扩增了支持率;组建不久的魁北克未来联盟因为关于学生运动的态度而导致支持率锐降,从而在客观上帮助了魁北克人党的胜出。魁北克本届省选结果一定程度上折射出其根深蒂固的"大国家主义"政治文化。 相似文献
7.
自英法7年战争结束后至今,魁北克问题在加拿大错综复杂的政治经济文化社会中扮演着一个重要的角色。平静革命之后,加拿大魁北克省的脱离联邦运动已成为当前世界民族主义浪潮中令世人瞩目的现象之一,成为加拿大联邦政治中心的热点。本文试从法裔加拿大民众的角度来分析魁北克问题,认为法裔加拿大人民的现实利益对魁北克脱离联邦运动走向具有重要影响。 相似文献
8.
《佳木斯教育学院学报》2018,(3)
魁北克是加拿大面积最大且最特殊的一个省份,它的特殊之处在于形成了独一无二的法裔民族自治模式。魁北克的自治模式是英法两大民族在历史上长期磨合的产物,民族主义色彩强烈,但魁北克民族自治已超越联邦的可控范围之内,甚至演变成极端的分离主义。为了扼制魁北克分离主义,联邦政府采取了一系列妥协措施安抚法裔民众,例如允许魁北克制定自身的移民政策,设立法语为加拿大官方语言之一等等,但这些措施却助长了法裔民族要求更多特殊地位的风气,并引起其他省份的不满。随着经济形势的恶化,魁北克自治模式的弊端日益显现,福利政治似乎也走向了尽头。 相似文献
9.
加拿大多元文化政策的完整内涵是双语框架下的多元文化政策。其特别的内容特征折射出加拿大复杂的族群关系和政治难题。加拿大版本的多元文化政策是加拿大联邦自由党总理特鲁多基于自己的政治理念,为应对魁北克政治分离主义的挑战并谋求最终化解这一政治难题而出台的战略国策。移民族群和原住民在加拿大多元文化政策的出台中所起的促动作用,不宜过分夸大。 相似文献
10.
加拿大联邦政府于2002年底再次调整移民法后,联邦技术移民的审核标准改成了67分,对于一些单身、大学本科毕业的申请人来说仍然有一道坎,对于大专生来说,要办成联邦技术移民也同样艰难。对于一些去加拿大想通过技术移民申请的人来说,通过魁北克技术移 相似文献
11.
David A.A. Stager 《Higher Education in Europe》1992,17(1):132-140
Underfunding is the paramount problem in Canadian universities. Operating revenue per student has declined in real terms by about 15 per cent over the past 15 years. During the past three decades, revenue from governments has increased from 60 per cent of the total revenue to 80 per cent, while fees revenue has declined from 26 to 16 per cent, with the result that universities are increasingly vulnerable to political control and to financial instability. The transfers of the federal government to provincial governments have financed much of provincial transfers to universities, but the former will be reduced for at least three years and may be abolished altogether. Provincial governments, particularly in Ontario and Quebec, have controlled tuition fees for twenty‐five years in order to increase accessibility, but there has been little change in the socioeconomic composition of university enrollment. Funding for university research generally has neglected overhead costs associated with maintaining the institutional infrastructure necessary for research. Although the federal government still provides more than half of the funding for university research, the share from provincial and non‐governmental sources has been increasing. 相似文献
12.
Roopa Desai Trilokekar 《Higher Education》2010,59(2):131-147
This paper explores the role of the Canadian federal government in two foreign policy areas: overseas development assistance
and international cultural relations by providing a brief history of the federal government’s engagement in both policy areas
and highlighting the contributions and challenges of Canadian foreign policy to the internationalization of Canadian higher
education. More broadly, the paper explores the unique characteristics of the Canadian federal government’s role in higher
education policy making, and in particular, its relations with academics and the university community. Ironically in a world
increasingly characterized by greater international education flows, in Canada, there has been a narrowing of vision, a focus
on more short rather than long term objectives and a limited engagement of dialogue between academics and the government to
promote both development assistance and international education as Canada’s soft power. 相似文献
13.
国际化在加拿大高等教育政策中至今未能受到高度重视,原因有三：一是20世纪60到70年代政府主张大学更多地关注有关本土的经验;二是加拿大的联邦政治架构致使教育、外交和国际贸易相互分离,各级政府难以合作推进国际化;三是由于历史原因人们担忧国际化会削弱大学满足本国公民入学需求的能力。改变现状的关键在于,加拿大政府应该把国际化视作一项重要的国内事务。 相似文献
14.
The nature and implications of the growing importance of research grants to Canadian universities and academics 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Claire Polster 《Higher Education》2007,53(5):599-622
This paper analyzes a significant but virtually unexplored recent development within Canadian higher education, namely the
growing importance of research grants to universities and academics. It addresses three main questions. First, the paper examines
why and how research grants are becoming more important to Canadian universities and academics, focusing in particular on
the role played by federal higher education policy. Next, it explores how the growing importance of research grants is transforming
relations between and among the key players in Canadian higher education and academic research, including university administrators,
academics, government, and the broader community. The paper’s final section takes up some of the actual and potential implications
of these changes and raises concerns about detrimental effects on Canada’s universities and citizens. Prospects and possibilities
for reform are also addressed. 相似文献
15.
John Allison 《Journal of educational administration and history》2007,39(2):113-128
This article will examine Canadian politicians’ and administrators’ leadership in the realm of education‐related international activities. In the era between the 1960s and the 1980s, it became increasingly difficult for educational leaders to walk the line dividing federal and provincial responsibility in this field. Educational authorities at the federal and provincial levels were collectively ill‐prepared to address the question of ‘diplomacy’ in a field of provincial responsibility. Instead, there were a whole series of mis‐steps on one or other sides of the line. Moreover, the executive level interaction that characterized this period was marked by developing federal authority, a federal government increasingly focused on power, and one which wanted greater control over the issue. Additionally, as is the case when having difficulty with ‘walking the line’ and passing a sobriety test, this was a federalism characterized by misunderstandings, provisional accords, and last minute compromises. 相似文献
16.
Michelle Hoffman 《Science & Education》2013,22(4):827-846
This paper considers the adoption of general science courses in two Canadian provinces, Ontario and Quebec, during the 1930s. In Ontario, a few science teachers had followed the early general science movements in the United States and Britain with interest. During the 1930s, several developments made the cross-disciplinary, applied thrust of general science particularly appealing to Ontario educationists. These developments included a new demand for vocational education, renewed reservations about pedagogical rationales based on transfer of training, and a growing professional divide between high school science teachers and university scientists. Around the same time, scientists in the Quebec’s French-language universities were engaged in a concerted campaign to expand the place of science in the province’s francophone secondary schools. The province’s prestigious classical colleges, which were the scientists’ principal target for reform, privileged an inductive view of science that had little in common with the applied, cross-disciplinary emphasis of the general science courses gaining support in English-speaking school systems. In 1934, however, a popular American general science textbook was adopted in a workers’ cooperative devoted to adult education. Comparing the fate of general science within these two education systems draws attention to the fact that general science made inroads in francophone Quebec but had little influence in public and private schools. In light of the growing support general science enjoyed elsewhere, we are led to explore why general science met with little overt interest by Quebec scientists pushing for school science reform during the 1930s. 相似文献
17.
While the influence of multicultural and anti-racist education has declined significantly in England and Wales since the late 1980s (as a result of the continuing impact of New Right thinking on education policy), this has not occurred in other countries. For example, in Canada successive federal administrations-irrespective of political hue-have remained firmly committed to Pierre Trudeau's (1971) pluralistic notion of the Canadian 'mosaic' and continued to endorse educational and social policies to promote 'race' and ethnic equality. Despite this, regional devolution has ensured that the responses to these federal initiatives at the provincial level have been varied and that developments in practice have been uneven. In this paper, we draw upon ethnographic data in an attempt to provide a sociological account of these regional differences. Focusing on the perspectives of a sample of 42 'active players' in the field of race equity education (i.e. teachers and youth workers, academics, university administrators, school board officials, equity officers, provincial government officials, consultants, grass-roots activists and representatives of various pressure groups), we compare and contrast the developments in theory, policy and practice in two Canadian provinces: Ontario and British Columbia. Throughout the paper, we underline the importance of grounded research, focusing on the part played by local political and historical conditions in both shaping and modifying the articulation and effects of federal policy. 相似文献