共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
The present paper studies the titles of the Byzantine emperors used by the Mamlūk chancery. The surviving Mamlūk chancery textbooks of the fourteenth century provide us with new, rich data on the modes of address customarily employed by the Mamlūk sultans in writing to the Byzantine emperors. What determined the choice of a particular title? Were these titles translated into Arabic from the Byzantine originals or were these formulas the inventions of the Mamlūk secretaries? Was the attitude demonstrated by the Mamlūks towards the Byzantine emperor an innovation in chancery practice, or was it a part of a traditional view, shared by other great powers, the īlkhāns, of the role of the emperor as head of Christendom?
The investigation of the Mamlūk formula of the address of the Byzantine emperor clearly demonstrates that almost all the titles of the emperor were composed by the Mamlūk secretaries. The titles help us restore the traditional perception of the Byzantium in the Muslim countries in the fourteenth century. Despite the decline of Byzantium, the emperor was still considered as head of Christendom, the successor of Alexander the Great of Macedonia and the chief protector of the Christian faith. Such perception was demonstrated not only by the Mamlūk, but also the īlkhānid chancery. However, the Mamlūks brought about an innovation: they recognised the concept of the so‐called Byzantine Commonwealth, an association of the Orthodox states with the Byzantine emperor as its head. It seems that the Orthodox Church that participated in the relations between Byzantium and the Muslim East, was a channel of communication which brought the idea of the Commonwealth into Mamlūk diplomatic practice. 相似文献
2.
Luca Zavagno 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2019,31(2):140-157
ABSTRACT This contribution mainly focuses on Cyprus and the Balearics, islands located at opposite geographical extremes of the Byzantine Mediterranean, during the passage from Late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages. Historians have often regarded these islands as peripheral additions to the Byzantine heartland of the Aegean and the Anatolian plateau; this article argues that, in fact, archaeological and material indicators (such as ceramics, lead seals and coins), paired with the scarce textual sources, point to a certain degree of economic prosperity in the abovementioned islands during the period under scrutiny, suggesting that they continued to play an important role in the political, administrative and religious structures of the Byzantine Empire. A resilient insular economy and continuity of local production of artefacts was ensured by the persistence of demand from local secular and religious elites and regular, if infrequent, contacts with other areas of the Byzantine heartland or the Muslim Mediterranean. 相似文献
3.
Professor Kiril Petkov 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2007,19(2):99-119
This essay examines the fundamentals of the Byzantine and Muslim political discourses during the period of the Crusades by analyzing a common political trope, the concept of Western pride and arrogance. The principal argument is that the seemingly stable categories of Eastern political propaganda obscure a massive discursive shift. At the beginning of their encounter with the Latin Christians both Byzantines’ and Levantine Muslims’ discourses on power and their place on the international stage were hegemonical, exclusive and self-referential. Towards the end of the Crusading period and under the steady pressures of Western practices, both societies’ political discourses came to accept as legitimate principles of international politics—such as power as a claim rather than a right, relations based on contract, territoriality and legitimacy of secular rule—that have long been the staple of Western conceptualization of politics, but were initially seen as utterly alien by Byzantines and Levantine Muslims. 相似文献
4.
5.
Nikolas Bakirtzis 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2019,31(2):171-195
ABSTRACT The Aegean island of Chios provides a special case of insularity during the Middle Ages, aspects of which are reflected in the production of a highly-valued product, mastic resin, which was sought after across the Mediterranean world for use in medicine, fragrances and flavourings. Produced only on the island, high-quality mastic became an iconic Chian product that highlighted the island’s uniqueness and significantly contributed to its economy. This article presents a diachronic view of mastic production in and circulation from Chios during the periods of Roman, Byzantine and Genoese rule. The widespread demand for its luxury commodity meant that the island was always active in the wider maritime networks in this period. The lens of mastic production makes these connections visible in textual, archaeological and architectural evidence that highlights the role local products played in the ways islands, like Chios, navigated the economic and political transitions of the medieval Mediterranean world. 相似文献
6.
Hussein Keshani 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2004,16(1):75-91
The Byzantine emperor Theophilus (829–842) is recorded as having commissioned a palace in the style of contemporary Abbāsid palaces in Baghdad near Constantinople, making it an important instance in the visual cultural exchange between Byzantium and Islamdom. One widely held explanation suggests that Theophilus had a taste for the arts of Islamdom. This paper argues that the Abbāsid‐style palace of Theophilus should be placed in the context of contemporary political events and Theophilus's architectural patronage. The palace can then be seen as the product of Byzantine‐Muslim political and cultural rivalry mediated by an increasingly shared culture of objects that included architectural concepts. 相似文献
7.
DIRK Krausmüller 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2004,16(1):163-176
My article has two objectives: I discuss aspects of the Byzantine debate about the principles on which a Christian value system should be based and I show how this debate was mirrored in Byzantine polemics against Islam. My starting point is a ninth‐century controversy between the Byzantine philosopher Niketas Byzantios (fl. c. 850) and an anonymous Muslim author. The Muslim author justified the concept of holy war by arguing that murder can be either licit or illicit, depending on whether or not the action is approved of by God. Niketas rejected this argument as irreconcilable with Christian ethics, maintaining that for Christians murder is always bad. However, in doing so Niketas departed from earlier Christian positions, developed in anti‐Manichaean polemic and Biblical exegesis, which either defined killing as a neutral act or rejected an essentialist approach in favour of God's will as the overriding criterion. 相似文献
8.
DAVID VILA 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2003,15(1):35-46
The process of Arabisation and Islamisation that began shortly after the Muslim conquests in greater Syro-Palestine was still in full swing well after the ‘Abbāsid revolution. One of the neglected sources for unravelling the nuances of the cultural transformations that were taking place is the Christian hagiography of the period. This article argues that the contrast between Byzantine and Arab Christian hagiography from the late eighth through the ninth century provides an important window in the process of Arabisation and Islamisation in the Early Islamic period. In particular when the Byzantine account of the Twenty Martyrs of Mar Saba is compared to the Arabic account of the Martydom of Raw[hdot] al-Qurayshī, an Arab Christian, many of the significant features of the process of cultural change come to the fore. 相似文献
9.
Vanessa Rousseau 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2004,16(1):5-15
Byzantine crowns are not only emblematic of the empire, but also reflect the breadth and depth of her acquaintance. Much like the Classical tradition of using women as personifications of cities, states and ideals, the empress who embodied the empire was often depicted in a more elaborate crown than the emperor. The purpose of this paper is to explore the development of the Byzantine empress' crown as distinct from the emperor's crown. Both evolved, in part, from the much simpler diadems of the ancient Greeks and Romans. Comparison of pictorial images and historical sources reveals how their respective styles diverged and the influences that fed those variations. Further comparison with the jewellery and headgear of neighbouring peoples reveals the influence of Eastern headgear and hairdressing upon the evolution of the empress's crown. Much like the decorative arts of Byzantium, the empress's crown testifies to the fusion of Mediterranean and Eastern cultures. 相似文献
10.
Jason T. Roche 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2010,22(3):249-257
The aim of this short article is modest: it means to fill a lacuna in scholarly output by offering a concise and accessible survey of the physical structure of the typical west Anatolian town in the High Middle Ages. Attempts to locate such a study meet with disappointment. If one wishes to look through the eyes of medieval travellers in Anatolia, whether they be merchants, pilgrims or soldiers, and discover what type of construction they witnessed when approaching and entering a typical town, one is compelled to trawl through a great number of specialist articles and monographs dealing with specific archaeological sites or particular narrow periods of history. This laborious exercise will be made somewhat redundant by a brief synthesis of the appropriate evidence which historians and archaeologists have addressed and compiled since the late 1950s when attempting to reconstruct the development of the Byzantine city. The article traces the slow development of the typical Anatolian urban form and aspect from the late fourth century, through the mid-seventh to mid-eighth centuries, and then through to a period of urban recovery until the latter part of the twelfth century. The choice of periods separated by some 800 years is not arbitrary: the physical character (and function) of the typical town began to change in the late fourth century, and the form it obtained during the seventh and eighth centuries continued to be the one retained (with inconsequential variations to the general pattern) during the intermediate periods of Byzantine recovery 相似文献
11.
A.C.S. Peacock 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):267-287
This article examines the frontier between the Seljuk Sultanate of Rūm and its Byzantine neighbours in the thirteenth century, concentrating on the place of these frontier districts within the Seljuk state. Scholarship on the frontier, influenced by the ideas of Paul Wittek, has seen it as something of a “no man's land”, politically, economically, culturally and religiously distinct from the urban heartland of the Seljuk sultanate in central Anatolia, dominated by the nomadic Turks, the Turkmen, who operated largely beyond sultanic control. It is often thought that the Seljuk and Greek sides of the border shared more in common with each other than they did with the states of which they formed a part. In contrast, this article argues that in fact the western frontier regions were closely integrated into the Seljuk sultanate. Furthermore, with the Mongol domination of the Seljuk sultanate in the second half of the thirteenth century, the Seljuk and Mongol elites became increasingly involved in this frontier region, where some of the leading figures of the sultanate had estates and endowments. 相似文献
12.
Wai Ching Angela WONG 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(3):340-360
This paper aims to review the discourse of sexual morality as recently staged by Christian evangelical groups in Hong Kong and the effects of this new round of evangelical activism on the shaping of recent political culture in Hong Kong. Unlike the moral campaign against decriminalization of homosexuality in the 1980s, which eventually lost to the reasoning of British rule of law implicit in Hong Kong legislature, this new Christian movement for the defense of sexual morality in Hong Kong is situated at the juncture of political contestation between the local democratic movement and the pro-establishment political forces, including pro-Beijing businessmen, political organizations and personnel. With a high degree of ideological and strategic affinity with the Christian Right movement, which collaborates with conservative Republican groups in the United States, the evangelical campaigners of Hong Kong, whether consciously or not, have gained much political currency in collaborating with the pro-establishment forces of Hong Kong. As a result, sexual morality articulated in the name of the preservation of traditions, whether they are Christian or Chinese, has fed an autocratic political movement of Hong Kong that partakes the dangerously divisive politics of the fundamentalist religious movements around the globe. 相似文献
13.
Alexander D. Beihammer 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(2):157-177
This essay explores one of the main tools of Byzantine diplomatic techniques: inviting foreign rulers to Constantinople and establishing bonds of alliance through the bestowal of titles and stipends, with respect to the empire's Muslim neighbours in the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries. In particular, it will be explained how and under what circumstances the traditional lines of communication between Constantinople and the caliphal court of Baghdad were gradually transformed into a multilayered network of personal contacts between the emperor and a number of Muslim frontier lords, who partly took on the role of representatives and dignitaries of the Byzantine Empire. Furthermore, I will try to examine the development of these newly established networks with respect to the emirates of Aleppo and Edessa, the Jarrā?id clan in Syria and the Marwānid dynasty in the Upper Euphrates and Lake Van region. 相似文献
14.
Jonathan Jarrett 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2019,31(2):196-222
ABSTRACT The “World of Medieval Islands” project invites the questioning of the category of island from medieval evidence, and coincided with another project of the author’s that was undertaking a similar exercise with medieval frontiers. Combining these two research areas, this article investigates two island, or island-like, zones that were situated at the edges of early medieval polities, primarily (though variably) of Umayyad al-Andalus, and compares their situation so as to elucidate what about their geopolitical situation made them island-like and how steady that likeness was. Working through the historiographies of the Balearic Islands, which shifted from Byzantine to Islamic control through a variably evaluated transition period, and of the Muslim settlement at La Garde-Freinet, Provence, from inception to extermination, the article concludes that what was island-like or indeed frontier-like about both areas was not continuous, and that the category “island” is historically contingent and subjective, despite its apparent geographic concreteness. 相似文献
15.
DIMITRI KOROBEINIKOV 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2003,15(2):197-214
In the thirteenth century the Orthodox population still held its position in Eastern Asia Minor. This ethnically diverse region was subject to complex political developments, most notably, the decline of Byzantium, once the powerful supporter of Orthodoxy, and the Mongol invasion. However, the Notitiae Episcopatuum (the lists of the metropolitan sees) show that a substantial part of the population in most cities of Eastern Anatolia was still Orthodox. The Orthodox dioceses were divided between the patriarchate of Constantinople and the Patriarchate of Antioch. 相似文献
16.
17.
Tehmina Goskar 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(3):189-204
As scholars of people's physical environments, we tend to view the past according to our own forms of categorisation rather than those of contemporaries. From a medieval Mediterranean perspective, the fragmentation of scholarship caused by modern disciplinary constraints—Islamic, Byzantine, Western—has artificially set apart cultures which had more in common than has hitherto been acknowledged. This is a comparative study of the dress and textile cultures of southern Italy, particularly Apulia, Egypt and the Fatimid Caliphate and regions in the Byzantine Empire, as recorded in dowries, wills and other documents. This article also demonstrates how using the Mediterranean as a framework for comparison allows us to identify new areas where cultural differences really lay. 相似文献
18.
19.
James Sharpe 《Cultural and Social History》2013,10(1):11-28
ABSTRACTThis article examines evidence relating to witchcraft beliefs and official attitudes to witchcraft in the Isle of Man during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It is based mainly on court records, and above all those of the Manx ecclesiastical courts. It demonstrates that there was a rich popular culture relating to witchcraft on the island, with a number of individualistic features. It places Manx witchcraft beliefs in relation to two other phenomena that were central to the island's popular culture: fairy beliefs and the belief in the efficacy of the curse. It also demonstrates that the island's authorities maintained a relatively low-keyed approach to witchcraft (only two people are known to have been executed as witches in the island), treating it as a sign of popular ignorance and a regrettable source of neighbourly disputes rather than as a satanic heresy. 相似文献
20.
At the Council of Clermont in 1095, Pope Urban II (1088–1099) called for a holy war against the Muslims who had wrested Jerusalem from Christian rule and who continued to threaten the Byzantine Empire. His audience responded enthusiastically and undertook a campaign commonly known today as the first crusade, which established several crusader states in the Levant. Some 10 years after the council, a Damascene jurisprudent named ‘Alīb. Tāhir al-Sulamī (d. 499–500/1106) publicly dictated the earliest extant call for a Muslim counter-offensive against these states. Al-Sulamī's message met with little success, unlike Urban's: only 14 years later, at the Battle of Balat (also called Ager sanguinis or the Field of Blood), do Islamic calls to jihād (holy war) seem to have started to have significant effect. Despite marked disparities between the religious traditions of each faith, the entreaties of Urban II and al-Sulamī parallel one another in many ways. On the most basic level, they have identical purposes: both call for a military campaign against people of another faith. Yet their similarities go much deeper than this. The two preachings reveal a common mindset toward religious or holy war that is all the more striking because Christian views on holy war and Muslim doctrines of jihād developed in isolation. Moreover, both demand similar responses from their listeners – responses that subordinate secular interests to sacred ones. So although these calls to action came out of separate theological traditions and addressed audiences in quite disparate social contexts, their similarities appear to reflect cross-cultural medieval attitudes toward holy war. Indeed, they suggest that there were certain basic ideas associated with holy war that were common to the medieval mindset, regardless of the individual's cultural background. 相似文献