共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Mark P. Moore 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):295-308
This essay identifies the American Western myth and the myth of the birth of the nation as political myths depicted by Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan in their 1964 and 1980 presidential campaigns respectively. While Goldwater and Reagan rely on the Western myth through 1964 to “define” America and promote political beliefs, Reagan joins the Western myth with the myth of the birth of the nation after Goldwater's resounding defeat to provide a rhetorical ground for moderating his political views and broadening his audience. In the essay, a model of political myth based on form and function is described and then applied to three addresses, one by Goldwater and two by Reagan. Analysis of the speeches reveals a symbiotic relationship between the Western myth and the birth myth that joins individuality with community in a heroic tale of America's growth as a nation. It also shows that Reagan's rhetoric expresses this symbiosis while Goldwater's does not. 相似文献
2.
Davis W. Houck 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3-4):285-298
Many scholars have misunderstood and misinterpreted Malcolm X's pilgrimage to Mecca in the spring of 1964. Instead of treating the conversion within its historical moment, scholars have de‐politicized this crucial event by ignoring the historical, political, and rhetorical dynamics of the situation. In this essay, I argue for a rhetorical reading of Malcolm's Mecca pilgrimage. Malcolm's conversion to orthodox Islam facilitated his attempts to actualize his political mission of internationalizing the battle for civil rights. Converting to orthodox Islam also enabled Malcolm to appropriate the rhetoric of the Koran to legitimate his political mission of indicting the United States on human rights violations at the United Nations. 相似文献
3.
《Visual Communication Quarterly》2013,20(4):224-239
This essay examines religious, racial, and historical influences on the creation of a major photo-documentary work. Contemporary Jewish American photographer Tyagan Miller's first project stemmed from his commitment to social justice and education in a secular context. Miller's second major photo essay "Covenant," focuses on the life and work of a church. Although Miller began "Covenant" with an interest in social emancipation, the project moved him to focus on the healing process that takes place in a church environment where he saw an "unbroken family" (interview with Tyagan Miller, July 22, 2002) composed out of the sometimes broken lives of individual congregants. This essay deals with the ethics of Miller's fieldwork for "Covenant," his biographical relationship to his subject matter, and the issue of Jewish representations of Black culture. 相似文献
4.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):138-157
This essay explores the aesthetic and rhetorical implications of prudent and imprudent presidential performance fragments embodied in photo‐opportunities, thereby addressing presidential rhetoric's “visual turn. “Assembled as a critical rhetoric text, this essay posits that presidential performance fragments privilege the dominant ideology and its power relationships. In addition, this project argues that prudent presidential performances signal a chief executive's consubstantiality with the mythic presidency, centralized authority, and active political leadership. Imprudent photo‐opportunity performances, by contrast, impact negatively a president's image, agenda, credibility, and authority. The essay concludes with a discussion of how political images symbolically affect the citizenry and democratic processes, and advances foundational issues for the critic. 相似文献
5.
Richard B. Gregg 《Communication Studies》2013,64(4):221-237
Television has become the major source of news for most Americans. Therefore, it seems important to consider television's rhetorical potential to influence the public's understanding of political affairs. The purpose of this essay is to explore some of the ways television news reporting, documentaries and docu‐dramas may lead us to know and judge political events, political leadership and political institutions. 相似文献
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Floyd Douglas Anderson 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):146-153
Hugh Latimer's activities as a Protestant Reformer and his subsequent martyrdom have historically overshadowed his equally important role as a commentator and critic of the socio‐economic conditions of his age. In this essay, Latimer's role as social commentator and critic is described and evaluated. 相似文献
8.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):88-111
Even by modern standards, the success of Huey Long's rhetoric in the 1920s and 1930s is remarkable. When Long was assassinated in September of 1935, he was a potential candidate for the presidency and one of the most powerful members of the U.S. Senate. He was also widely perceived as being a demagogue. Long's training as a radio speaker began in the 1920s during his stormy political career. Most city newspapers were against him, but Long had a friend who owned a powerful radio station (KWKH) in Shreveport, Louisiana. Long got free time on KWKH to take his case to the people. Long often talked for several hours at a time, sometimes by remote control from his hotel room while lounging in his pajamas. In the final nine months of his life, from January to September of 1935, Long received free time on national networks for eight major broadcasts. This paper makes a fantasy theme analysis of these broadcasts, and examines whether or not Long was a demagogue and what influences he has had on subsequent political communication. 相似文献
9.
Casey Ryan Kelly 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):240-265
After publishing a controversial essay on 9/11, Professor Ward Churchill's scholarship and personal identity were subjected to a hostile public investigation. Evidence that Churchill had invented his American Indian identity created vehemence among many professors and tribal leaders who dismissed Churchill because he was not a “real Indian.” This essay examines the discourses of racial authenticity employed to distance Churchill from tribal communities and American Indian scholarship. Responses to Churchill's academic and ethnic self-identification have retrenched a racialized definition of tribal identity defined by a narrow concept of blood. Employing what I term blood-speak, Churchill's opponents harness a biological concept of race that functions as an instrument of exclusion and a barrier to coalitional politics. 相似文献
10.
Ryan Shepard 《Communication Studies》2013,64(5):460-475
In response to the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, President Bush delivered an apology that was widely criticized by domestic and international audiences. Nevertheless, the apology succeeded in allowing the President to stop the momentum of negative public opinion following news of the crimes, and to avoid accountability for his role in the crisis. In this essay, I argue that Bush's success stemmed partly from his use of a special subgenre of apologia, simulated atonement. After explaining the strategy in detail, I describe some of the conditions in which it will likely be effective and apply the theory to Bush's statements. 相似文献
11.
Erika Spohrer 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):151-168
During the 1930s, news media constructed celebrities as individuals whose public lives naturally reflected (or expressed) their private lives. Paul Robeson, however, offered an intriguing challenge to such seamlessness, foreshadowing contemporary evocations of celebrity that highlight the fabricated nature of public personas. I posit that during the 1930s, the discursive formations of scandal and movie stardom challenged celebrity seamlessness by constructing Paul Robeson as a site of extra-textuality: Paul Robeson “the artist” became detached from Paul Robeson “the man.” Although mired in essentialism, Robeson's extra-textuality was crucial to his activism, for it ultimately created the space from which he voiced his most impassioned political polemics. Thus both regressive and liberatory, the discourses of scandal and movie stardom mediated Paul Robeson's transition from spiritual-singing aesthete to outspoken political activist. 相似文献
12.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(1):65-71
Though remarkably unsuccessful in unmasking Communist conspirators, Joe McCarthy left a powerful legacy as a great demagogue and witchhunter, a legacy that continues to haunt political discourse today. This essay seeks to explain the power of McCarthy's rhetoric and its apparent resistance to exorcism by historical fact through the literary genre of fantasy. McCarthy, in this view, could not be discredited or argued against because he took no positions. He presented his audience with a sustained moment of hesitation and wonder in which every claim on credulity was offset by a denial of its legitimacy. In the process of creating this fantastic world, a certain ethos was created, an ethos that ultimately overshadowed and conquered its creator. 相似文献
13.
This essay examines Frank Mechau's infamous mural Dangers of the Mail as an opportunity to theorize the force of memories contingent upon immediate sensual encounters that operate largely irrespective of actual historical occurrences. Through an analysis of public documents, archival material from the 1930s and early 2000s, and two separate tours of the William Jefferson Clinton Federal Building in 2015 and 2016, we argue Mechau's Dangers of the Mail triggers a form of traumatic sense memory that positions audiences within a trauma economy in which sensation functions as epistemological grounding for political struggle. 相似文献
14.
Charles Kauffman 《Communication Studies》2013,64(2):353-366
This essay examines Plato's theory of rhetoric to discover the values implicit in that theory. Plato's assumptions about rhetoric and his uses of it initiate a different tradition of thought in Western rhetoric, a tradition which embraces lies, censorship, and deception to inculcate “correct” thought and action in audiences. 相似文献
15.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(3):272-286
This essay reflects on the blogosphere reaction to a journal article of mine about the relationship between journalists and media academics in Aotearoa New Zealand. Much of the response reenacted the original essay's argument about journalistic antagonisms towards critical theoretical scholarship. I resituate the reaction in terms of the original essay's objectives, and discuss the chaotic nature of these academic field/journalistic field exchanges. I argue that it would be a mistake to simply dismiss the blogosphere attacks, because that would merely reinscribe my identity in the blind antagonistic frame I had originally critiqued. Instead, revisiting aspects of the original essay that were subsequently ignored, I elaborate on the implications of William Connolly's call for an ethos of “agonistic respect” both for the articulation of an engaged counter-response and the interrogation of political and cultural antagonisms more generally. 相似文献
16.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):112-133
This article traces the development of Father Charles E. Coughlin's rhetoric as it evolved over a six‐year period during the height of his popularity, from 1930 to 1936. Bormann's Fantasy‐Theme method was used to evaluate Coughlin's rhetoric. The findings offer insight into Symbolic Convergence Theory by demonstrating how Coughlin attempted to integrate his political and personal agenda with changing social context and audience needs. The implication is that fantasy themes are open systems, which are circumstantially constructed and thus evolve and change over time. 相似文献
17.
Ellen Reid Gold 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3-4):159-175
President Reagan's success stems from his use of rhetorical structures characteristic of the oral epics and his use of the electronic media which partially replicate conditions characteristic of preliterate oral societies. These societies develop a culture transmitted orally through epic poems or recitations. Such recitations are developed by themes, formulas, and repetition as well as by distinctive thought patterns, experiential and non‐analytic. Reagan's methods will have a lasting influence on American political discourse, since future politicians will emulate his techniques. 相似文献
18.
An emerging area of communication study is the process by which women seeking elective office construct their political identity. This essay engages that literature examining the historic 1986 Nebraska gubernatorial race as a case study. Two interrelated findings emerged from the study including: (1) gender perceptions were a factor even in this “genderless” election, and (2) each candidate's political identity was constructed through the interaction of gender characteristics and candidate issue positions. 相似文献
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Yvonne Slosarski 《传播与批判/文化研究》2016,13(3):250-268
Taking the case of the 2011 protests at the Wisconsin state capitol, this essay theorizes a model of political culture jamming. When 100,000 people swarmed downtown Madison, I argue, they jammed both Governor Scott Walker's market-based rhetoric and organized labor's typical response to such attacks. This case study, then, extends culture jamming as a way of understanding resistance to the marketization of realms that extend beyond the vaguely cultural. It demonstrates that when expanded to include embodied, political action, culture jamming offers a particularly useful lens through which activists may challenge rhetorics that promote ever-expanding markets. 相似文献