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1.
This study aims to explore second-level agenda-setting at the national level. In particular, it examines the relationships among the citation bias of the New York Times, national level public opinion, and Congressional policies from 1956 to 2004 in order to better understand mass media's role in national policymaking. In addition, it also tests one important intervening variable of the relationships among the three attribute agendas (the media agenda, the public agenda, and the policy agenda)—the president's policy liberalism. 相似文献
2.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):176-195
This study examines how people perceive the influence of political talk radio in Hong Kong. Theoretically, the study focuses on the influence of message-attitude congruence, that is, the situation in which a person's opinions or attitudes are consistent with the viewpoints promulgated by media messages, on the third-person perception. It is argued that message-attitude congruence provides a situation in which people may attribute their attitudes partly to media influence. Hence message-attitude congruence is expected to relate to increased levels of perceived media influence on self, and thereby weaken the size of the third-person differential. Moreover, it is hypothesized that attribution of media influence should be more likely when people perceive the media influence as desirable and when there is the absence of alternative sources of influence. These arguments were tested with a telephone survey (N = 800) in Hong Kong, where political talk radio has been a prominent medium in the past decade. The results support the theoretical arguments and contribute to our understanding of the significance of the medium in the city. The broader theoretical implications of the findings are also discussed. 相似文献
3.
Mediated public diplomacy scholarship investigates the manner in which governments attempt to shape the framing of its leaders, people, and foreign policy in other nations’ media outlets. A growing body of literature identifies agenda-building efforts by these governments who often use state-sponsored media platforms to promote some issues and attributes as more salient than others. The current study provides a unique examination of China's use of its Xinhua News Agency as an information subsidy for US news outlets. Study results point to a limited transfer of issue salience between the Chinese news agency and the US news outlets. Non-significant findings were identified regarding attribute agenda building. The results of the study identify a significant intermedia agenda-setting effect between the US news outlets, with The New York Times serving as a conduit between Chinese and US news agendas. Results are discussed in the context of global political public relations and mediated public diplomacy scholarship. 相似文献
4.
A deliberative democracy calls for citizens who are well informed about a diverse range of public issues and a media system that shapes the public agenda for deliberation and consensus building. However, with the current proliferation of a high-choice media environment, citizens can engage in partisan selective exposure by only consuming news that matches their own political attitudes and dispositions. This study examines two under-researched effects of partisan selective exposure: (1) the reduction in the number of societal issues that individuals consider important (i.e., nominal agenda diversity) and (2) the reduction in the variety of issues (i.e., thematic agenda diversity). A national survey was conducted in Hong Kong, a transitional democracy with a highly partisan media environment. The results showed that although reading more newspapers is positively related to nominal agenda diversity and thematic agenda diversity, citizens who receive their news only from partisan newspapers are less likely to be interested in a range of public issues and are less able to name pressing societal issues. Moreover, both nominal and thematic diversities predicted political participation, though not political discussion. The findings provide supporting evidence that partisan selective exposure can lead to a fragmented public agenda. 相似文献
5.
Despite the prevalence of fact-checking, little is known about who posts fact-checks online. Based upon a content analysis of Facebook and Twitter digital trace data and a linked online survey (N?=?783), this study reveals that sharing fact-checks in political conversations on social media is linked to age, ideology, and political behaviors. Moreover, an individual’s need for orientation (NFO) is an even stronger predictor of sharing a fact-check than ideological intensity or relevance, alone, and also influences the type of fact-check format (with or without a rating scale) that is shared. Finally, participants generally shared fact-checks to reinforce their existing attitudes. Consequently, concerns over the effects of fact-checking should move beyond a limited-effects approach (e.g., changing attitudes) to also include reinforcing accurate beliefs. 相似文献
6.
This study explored citizens' political involvement, their attention to candidates ' issue stands or personal qualities, and their evaluations of the relevance of different sources of information to political decision making. A telephone survey of a random sample (N = 420) of registered voters in a Southwestern city indicated that involvement did not associate with evaluations of the relevance of newspapers or television news to political decision making and negatively associated with evaluations of the relevance of advertising to political decision making. In addition, respondents ' attention to candidates 'personal qualities positively associated with evaluations of advertising relevance to political decision making, whereas their attention to candidates ' issue stands positively associated with their evaluations of the relevance of interpersonal communication to political decision making. These results suggest that involved voters receive little benefit from political advertisements, whereas voters who attend to candidate images find them informative. Interpersonal communication is an especially important source of election information for highly involved voters and for voters who attend to candidate issues. 相似文献
7.
This study examined whether the candidate-controlled public relations tools of political ads and candidate blogs were successful in influencing the issue and news agenda of the major television news networks during the 2004 presidential election. Data showed strong correlations between blogs and the media agenda. Advertisements did not correlate with the media agenda. Cross-lag analyses showed that the media set the candidates' agenda. The authors suggest intermedia agenda setting occurred as the media transferred their agenda to campaign blogs. 相似文献
8.
This study examined college students' use of online media for political purposes in the 2008 election. Social media attention, online expression, and traditional Internet attention were assessed in relation to political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Data from a Web survey of college students showed significant positive relationships between attention to traditional Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Attention to social media was not significantly related to political self-efficacy or involvement. Online expression was significantly related to situational political involvement but not political self-efficacy. Implications are discussed for political use of online media for young adults. 相似文献
9.
This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression. 相似文献
10.
Myiah J. Hutchens Jay D. Hmielowski Michael A. Beam 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(2):123-143
Examining the impact of various media sources on knowledge has a long tradition in political communication. Although much of the extant research focuses on the impact of traditional media on factual knowledge, research is expanding to include a variety of media sources and multiple dimensions of knowledge, in addition to understanding processes that better explain these relationships. Using a nationwide, opt-in online survey (n = 993), we examine the relationship between partisan media and structural knowledge, which assess how interconnected people see political concepts. Utilizing understanding of the Affordable Care Act as the content area of interest, we examine whether exposure to partisan media has differential effects on attitudinal ambivalence—holding both positive and negative attitudes toward an object—based on the political ideology of the respondent, and whether this impact of ambivalence influenced structural knowledge. Our results show that exposure to attitude-consistent media decreased attitudinal ambivalence. This exposure to attitude-consistent media results in a positive indirect effect on structural knowledge through this decrease in ambivalence. We find the reverse effect for use of attitude-inconsistent media. 相似文献
11.
Rhonda J. Sprague 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(3):276-285
This study explored the impact that respondent gender, parent gender, and perceptions about a topic's intimacy had upon 311 undergraduate students’ likelihood of seeking advice from their parents. Overall, respondents felt they were more likely to seek advice about low‐ than high‐intimacy topics. Both sons and daughters reported a higher likelihood of seeking maternal than paternal advice. However, respondents did indicate a willingness to seek paternal advice in certain conditions. Sons were more likely than daughters to seek advice from fathers about high‐ intimacy topics; daughters were more likely than sons to seek advice from fathers about topics low in intimacy. Possible explanations for and implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
12.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101484
Social media enables public sector organizations to connect with citizens. Next to this, it can help organizations provide more detailed and useful information. But to what extent is social media used by local governments for interaction purposes, and what factors influence this? In this article, we study how Dutch local governments use Twitter for interaction, linking this to political, institutional, and socio-economic determinants. We find that politically fragmented municipalities use Twitter more for interaction, suggesting that political multiplicity forms a stimulus for more online engagement. Moreover, municipalities that have a Twitter account for a longer time make more advanced use of its functions, implying that municipalities with longer experience are better acquainted with a platform's strengths and weaknesses. Finally, municipalities with a higher presence of people in the age group 20–65 as well as municipalities with more higher-educated people use their social media more for interaction. The same counts for municipalities with more ICT workers. 相似文献
13.
A content analysis was conducted of the posts generated by mass media organizations and public opinion leaders on the Chinese social media platform Sina Weibo to investigate the associations between several communication message cues and opinions about people with depression (N = 102). The study revealed that the posts of the influential users were more likely to be stigmatizing when they communicated stereotypes, but less likely to be stigmatizing or more likely to be supportive when they made personal, genetic and medical, and social and environmental cause and responsibility claims. The posts were also more likely to be supportive if the influential users presented treatment and recovery information. In addition to finding out what communication cues activate the influential users' stigmatizing or supportive opinions, the study also examined and found the impact of the influential users' opinions on their followers' opinions on this issue (N = 8261). The findings showed that the public opinion leaders were more likely than the mass media to express support for people with depression. This support then translated into supportive responses among their followers toward those living with the disease. 相似文献
14.
Lanier Frush Holt 《Journalism Practice》2018,12(2):146-161
Officer-involved shootings have become an unfortunate regular part of news coverage. After such events, the media often select expert sources to explain the news to the public. Social media has changed this media–source dynamic. Today, laypeople—often African Americans—can go online and provide information that counters the media’s narrative. This analysis examines the effect people’s perception of sources has on their opinion of the Black Lives Matter Movement (#BLM). It also tests what other factors shape audiences’ beliefs about this issue. It finds that people who oppose #BLM have a strong orientation toward social dominance, are less likely to view America as the land of opportunity, and have ideas akin to those of modern racists, in that they oppose Affirmative Action and other race-based programs. This analysis also proposes a change to the Elaboration Likelihood Model, which serves as its theoretical basis. On racially charged issues, the personal relevance of an issue does not appear to matter; people will evaluate such topics via central processing. 相似文献
15.
The role of the press as a political watchdog is crucial to the functioning of democracy. Especially in the run-up to elections, voters depend on the media's presentation of parties and candidates to make informed, responsible choices at the ballot box. But who, then, influences the news media? Empirical evidence in the United States and Europe suggests that political party campaigns and election coverage in the news media are interconnected and influence each other. This study tests whether such agenda-setting effects between party campaigns and the media also take place in the general elections in the world's largest democracy, India. India's western-type political system has a distinct media system characterized by high competition, diversification, non-consolidation and formal and informal ties between the media, commercial interests and political actors. Content analysis and Granger's causality test of newspaper coverage (N?=?716) and party campaign messages (N?=?458) found that agenda-setting effects do occur in India, but are largely bi-directional. We also found an overwhelming focus of both newspapers’ election coverage and of all major party campaigns on one single candidate, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s Narendra Modi. This, we argue, is a result of the broader trends that have shaped Indian politics in recent years. The significant correlations and non-significant causal effects between party campaign and media coverage also indicate a trade-off situation between political power negotiation and political balance in the press. 相似文献
16.
An extensive research literature concludes that, in the United States, mainstream media tend to present a remarkably narrow, homogenous and centrist conservative view of political life that tends to support maintenance of the status quo. This is often attributed to heavy media reliance on government officials, leaders of political groups, and large bureaucratic organization as routine, predictable sources of information. In this context, it is important to understand how explicitly partisan publications construct their accounts of public affairs that provide citizens with alternatives to this perspective proffered by the dominant media. A content analysis of 25 years of 2 of America's leading partisan magazines, the conservative National Review and the liberal Progressive, provides data that raise questions about the extent to which information sources do influence the partisanship of media content. 相似文献
17.
Amy B. Becker 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(3):424-445
The current study examines the relationships between exposure to partisan political parody, affinity for political humor given a desire to reduce anxiety, and internal political efficacy. Analyzing data from a spring 2013 experiment (N = 269), the results suggest that prior media exposure, an affinity for political humor given the desire to reduce anxiety, and a preference for humor that attacks the opposition are significant predictors of political efficacy. In addition, a three-way interaction between partisan identification, humor type, and affinity for political humor (AFPH)–anxiety relative to the dependent variable of internal political efficacy was significant. In particular, high AFPH–anxiety Republicans who viewed Democrat-directed humor were more likely to feel politically efficacious. The significance of the findings is discussed along with suggestions for potential theoretical mechanisms that can guide future academic research on the democratic impacts of politically entertaining media. 相似文献
18.
Kim Andersen 《Mass Communication and Society》2019,22(4):487-507
As soft news shows in television present politics in an entertaining format, they are likely to attract and grab the attention of people who do not have a high interest in politics. Consequently, soft news might mobilize these citizens to engage in politics. This study tests this potential by using a 2-wave panel survey among a national sample of voters (N = 2,680) collected in relation to the 2015 National Election in Denmark. The results show that people with lower political interest were indeed more likely to increase their use of soft news during the election campaign and that, as a consequence, these low-motivated people also increased their passive participation, such as seeking additional information about the election. Further, the results show that this type of passive participation is likely to function as a stepping-stone to active forms of participation, such as attending political events or contacting politicians. 相似文献
19.
This study extends the Gamson Hypothesis, which asserts that trust and self-efficacy affect political activity, by examining how reliance on mainstream and alternative sources of political information interact with trust, self-efficacy, and political activity. Overall, this study supports the Gamson Hypothesis: Dissidents (those high in self-efficacy and low in political trust) are more likely to protest the government than Assureds (high levels of trust and efficacy), who are more likely to engage in more conventional political activities. Dissidents avoid online newspapers and broadcast news sites and instead turn to more polarizing sources, such as radio talk shows and political blogs. On the other hand, Assureds rely on mainstream sources such as broadcast television online and avoid more partisan sources such as political Web sites and talk radio. 相似文献
20.
This study explores the relationship between age and the media's agenda-setting effects both by cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis. Using American National Election Studies surveys and the New York Times Index data from 1960 to 2004, we test three possible effects of age on the agenda-setting process: generational, life-cycle, and period effects. Findings show the public agenda is fairly stable across generations and age cohorts despite increasing signs of media diversification and audience specialization. More important, different generations’ agendas were overall correlated with the media agenda in each year, indicating robust agenda-setting effects of the media on the public, except for baby boomers. The findings generally support the hypothesis of period effects. Implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献