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To attempt to understand Access to Higher Education provision as an educational social movement is to become caught up in a dialectial dilemma. Is Access allied to the older radical traditions of adult education through a collective emancipatory role or is its role to serve the educational needs of the individual student and/or the economic needs of society? Research carried out at the University of Exeter has shown that while there is a strong rhetoric within the Access movement that supports the more emancipatory approach, practitioners contradict this when questioned about the prime purpose of Access. Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony can be used to address this contradiction by examining how sub‐cultures, such as the group of Access practitioners, create a mosaic of meaning or a reality map which is drawn from the conflicting ideologies which surround them. 相似文献
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Online focus groups may provide a new tool for research conducted in sport science settings (e.g., psychology, sociology, management, physical education, and recreation). Benefits of online focus groups include the ability for people in multiple locations to respond synchronously via chat rooms or asynchronously via discussion software. Additional benefits include increased equality of participation, greater participant diversity, the matching of research design with research environment, researcher interaction, and the elimination of transcribing. Disadvantages include under representation of non-Internet users, lack of face-to-face contact, potential participant no-show rate, and the difficulty of securing data on the Internet. Sport science scholars are encouraged to examine this emerging method as related to their specific research aims and consider application of online focus groups to further their research. 相似文献
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Guy Burton 《International Review of Education/Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft/Revue internationale l'éducation》2012,58(1):91-108
This article analyses the progression of education policy by the Workers?? Party (PT) in Brazil from its experience of municipal administration to national government. The first section presents this development, noting its progression from a participatory, social(ist) project to a more reformist, elite-directed model. The second section accounts for the domestic influences that led to a more reformist PT education policy by the 2000s. These include: (1) increasing electoral success, (2) changing membership composition, (3) policy innovations supported by its members and (4) a growing asymmetry in resources (and influence) towards the party leadership and its members. The third section presents the global changes in education thinking that coincided with the PT??s entry into national government. It distinguishes between a neo-liberal and neo-conservative ??first generation?? and a state-oriented ??second generation?? Washington Consensus, associated with the New Right and the centre-left that emerged across the region after 2000 respectively. 相似文献
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David W. Chapman Lisa Burton Jessica Werner 《International Journal of Educational Development》2010,30(1):77-82
Uganda has received considerable international attention for being the first and, to date, only African country to adopt a policy of free universal secondary education (USE). However, the policy was adopted with little attention to system capacity or involvement of secondary head teachers, even though there is considerable research documenting the importance of school leaders in promoting or blocking education reform efforts. This study investigated the extent to which Uganda secondary school leaders support USE policy, the extent they think USE is being implemented successfully, and the extent they believe they have the knowledge and skills needed in USE implementation. To understand the role of head teachers in the move to USE in Uganda, it is necessary to understand the political context in which it was adopted and the conditions under which it was implemented. 相似文献
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