Analytical framework for evaluating digital diplomacy using network analysis and topic modeling: Comparing South Korea and Japan     

Sejung Park  Dahoon Chung  Han Woo Park 《Information processing & management》2019,56(4):1468-1483

This study introduces a data-driven approach for assessing the practices and effectiveness of digital diplomacy, using the cases of South Korea and Japan. The study compared the networking power of public diplomacy organizations based on social media use, engagement with the public, interaction patterns among the public, and public perceptions and attitudes toward organizations. This was accomplished through a three-step method employing social network analysis and topic modeling. The network analysis found that the Korean public diplomacy organization generated a larger, more loosely connected, and decentralized comment network than the Japanese organization, which presented a “small-world” connectivity pattern with highly interconnected actors. The findings also suggest that, compared to the Japanese organization, the Korean organization was successful in not only enhancing its soft power through social media but also building international networks among the foreign public.  相似文献   

从外交和国际战略层面理解党的执政能力建设     

纪明 《陕西教育学院学报》2006,22(3):27-29

正确把握国际和国内两个大局,协调内政和外交的关系,是检验我们党执政能力的重要内容。从外交和国际战略层面理解提高党的执政能力建设有助于我们深刻理解内政和外交的紧密联系,真正把外交作为内政的延续,做到外交为内政服务,外交为人民服务,外交为实现全面的小康社会的总体目标服务。  相似文献   

冷战后美国对华人权外交中公众舆论因素论析     

王泽芝  聂军 《唐山师范学院学报》2007,29(4):94-96

美国作为民意调查最频繁的国度,公众舆论被看作人权外交的重要影响因素。分析冷战后公众对中美人权问题的态度及形成这种态度的原因,及分析公众舆论与人权外交的互动关系具有现实意义。  相似文献   

The Second-Level Agenda-Building Function of the Xinhua News Agency     

Zhuqing Cheng  Spiro Kiousis 《Journalism Practice》2016,10(6):744-762

Mediated public diplomacy scholarship investigates the manner in which governments attempt to shape the framing of its leaders, people, and foreign policy in other nations’ media outlets. A growing body of literature identifies agenda-building efforts by these governments who often use state-sponsored media platforms to promote some issues and attributes as more salient than others. The current study provides a unique examination of China's use of its Xinhua News Agency as an information subsidy for US news outlets. Study results point to a limited transfer of issue salience between the Chinese news agency and the US news outlets. Non-significant findings were identified regarding attribute agenda building. The results of the study identify a significant intermedia agenda-setting effect between the US news outlets, with The New York Times serving as a conduit between Chinese and US news agendas. Results are discussed in the context of global political public relations and mediated public diplomacy scholarship.  相似文献   

中国独立自主的和平外交政策     

李君 《黑龙江教育学院学报》2005,24(4):13-14

独立自主是中国长期奉行的外交政策。在中国五十年的外交实践中,以国家利益为准则的独立自主外交政策是不断创新、与时俱进的,是在不变与变的对立统一中发展的。  相似文献   

周恩来与中日邦交正常化     

刘丽君 《闽江学院学报》2002,23(5):114-118

1972年中日邦交正常化的实现,是20世纪国际关系领域最引人注目的重大事件之一.在发展中日关系的实践中,周恩来总理创造性地提出“民间先行,以民促官“的方针,从开辟民间贸易渠道入手,带动和促进官方关系的建立,并随着世界潮流和日本政局的变化,紧紧把握历史机遇,采取一系列明智之举,强有力地推动了中日邦交正常化的进程.  相似文献   

The up-front legacies of France 2019: changing the face of ‘le foot féminin’     

Lindsay Sarah Krasnoff 《Sport in History》2019,39(4):462-483

ABSTRACT

The drive to develop women’s football in France, a game 100 years old albeit one long-stigmatised, was thrust into high gear in 2011. Since then, a confluence of events and cultural changes, from on-field results and officials’ investment of greater resources to winning the 2019 World Cup host bid, greater mediatisation of women’s players, and more – including the spectacular 2010 meltdown of Les Bleus in South Africa – have combined to energise and grow the game. This newfound dynamism was unforeseen a decade ago and illustrates some of France’s biggest World Cup legacies: the up-front investments underpinning the sport’s development during the 2010s, and the ways the country has repackaged itself as a champion of women’s football and women in football, forever changing the face of ‘le foot féminin’.  相似文献   

洋务运动中李鸿章对外主张之得失研究     

于灵  夏雨 《辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2011,34(6):134-137

清朝政府在洋务运动时期的对外主张,历来颇受争议。李鸿章在这当中扮演了重要的角色,他将中国带出了两次鸦片战争之间那种＂外交虚无＂的状态,主动提出了＂外须和戎,内须自强＂等一系列新外交理念,使中国的外交决策开始理性化,人们也常将洋务时期的外交称为＂李鸿章外交＂。本文试图从一个新角度,思考洋务派对外主张的得失：得失为何,得失缘何,何谓得失。不同于就史论史的微观考据研究,本文尝试从历史大背景的视角探讨李鸿章在洋务运动时期外交主张的得失及其深层原因。  相似文献   

论当代全球化的外交意义     

苏亦煌 《南昌教育学院学报》2011,26(3):6-7

全球化是客观的、多维的历史发展进程,是同一化与多样化的统一。当代全球化对外交的影响是巨大的,它推动了外交主体、外交议题、外交方式的变革。  相似文献   

田中外交在东北 ——以1927—1929年的"满蒙悬案"交涉为中心     

易丙兰 《兰台世界》2020,(3):132-135,111

1927—1929年"满蒙悬案"交涉是田中外交及其满蒙积极政策在东北的推演。此次交涉中,田中外交呈现出多方参与、多地进行、多线并进的特点。尽管日本各参与者在解决"满蒙悬案"、贯彻东方会议的目标上是一致的,但在具体策略和路径上却意见不一,造成日本交涉中一定程度的无序状态。"满蒙悬案"交涉涉及奉系基本利益,张作霖、张学良两代奉系政权均无意做出全面让步,不能满足日本要求。最终,田中外交未能实现既定目标,奉系与日本的矛盾持续激化。  相似文献