《荒原蚁丘》之比阿特丽丝形象浅析     

李莉 《扬州教育学院学报》2011,29(4):10-14

本文运用女性主义理论对《荒原蚁丘》女主人公比阿特丽丝的形象进行深入探讨,以她的童年经历作为切入点分析其成长背后的隐痛,展示她对本土文化中各种形式的男性中心主义的警惕与批判;同时揭示出非洲女性在后殖民时代所面临的种种话语诱惑与陷阱,并挖掘比阿特丽丝在复杂语境下突围的希望。  相似文献   

国民党鲁南抗日游击战述论     

孙宗一 《济宁师范专科学校学报》2011,32(1):89-92

抗日战争时期国民党在鲁南敌后的游击作战坚持了4年之久,牵制了数万日军,减轻了正面战场的压力,支援了全国其他地区的抗战。由于国民党的鲁南抗日游击战完全依赖军队,未能充分动员当地民众的力量,再加上内部的倾轧和军政高层的腐败,国民党的鲁南敌后游击战未能坚持到抗战胜利就失败了。此后,中共领导的抗日武装承担起坚持山东敌后抗战的历史重任,最终迎来了抗日战争胜利。可以说,国民党的鲁南抗日游击战是中华民族抗日战争的一个缩影。  相似文献   

基于“桥头堡”战略下的保山市与南亚区域旅游合作研究     

肖朝霞 《保山学院学报》2011,(2):11-16

"桥头堡"战略的提出,给云南创造了发展的重大机遇,与南亚进行区域旅游合作是推进云南省与南亚各国合作的先导产业。以保山市为例,分析了保山与南亚旅游合作的现状。分析了制约保山与南亚的区域旅游合作的问题,并提出了相应的对策,以期促进中国与南亚的旅游合作。  相似文献   

把保山建设成为面向南亚区域性商贸中心的基本设想     

杨艳秋  李继楼  李艳 《保山学院学报》2011,(2):5-10

保山地处东亚、南亚、东南亚的结合点,是西南地区、乃至全国通往以印度为主的南亚国家最便捷、最经济的陆路通商口岸。在滇缅印这条通道中,保山一直是重要的物资集散中心。改革开放30年来,保山经济获得飞速发展,经济实力明显增强。胡锦涛总书记桥头堡战略的提出,让保山明确了今后的发展目标——把保山建设成为面向南亚的区域性商贸中心,促进中国与南亚国家的经贸合作、友好往来。  相似文献   

试论南宋定都临安     

申小红 《临沧师范高等专科学校学报》2011,(3)

绍兴八年(1138年)前,南宋政权在选择都城时,朝中大臣的意见主要集中在临安和建康两个地方。在地理位置上,它们都易于控制富庶的江南,经济及交通等因素不是决定两者谁作为都城的首要条件。建康的优势在进取,临安的优势在防守。南宋政权定都临安,除了实力不济与气候因素之外,更重要的是其深刻的文化审美趋向和审美情趣。  相似文献   

How do congressional members appear on the web? Tracking the web visibility of South Korean politicians     

Yon Soo Lim  Han Woo ParkAuthor vitae 《Government Information Quarterly》2011,28(4):514-521

The web visibility of politicians has substantial implications for the internet and politics. In this regard, the present paper examines the web visibility of South Korea's 18th National Assembly members. This study identifies those members with the highest web visibility and determines the factors affecting their web visibility by using a set of socio-demographic variables indicating web visibility. The concept of web visibility is operationally defined as the number of web mentions of each congressional member. Web mentions of the name of each congressional member were collected across many platforms, including blogs, images, news, and websites, by using a Naver search tool based on the API, and relationships between the web visibility of the members and their socio-demographic attributes (their gender, age, term, constituency, and party affiliation) were analyzed using Kruskal–Wallis, Median, and Mann–Whitney U tests. The most visible politicians in the Korean webosphere had highly qualified political careers and prominence, and the difference in politicians' web visibility depended on their political attributes (their term, constituency, and party), not on their demographic attributes (their gender and age). These findings suggest that politicians who build political power and influence through their political career in the offline world are likely to be more visible in the webosphere. Further, an integrated indicator based on politicians' web visibility status can reflect their “ubiquitous presence” in Korea's digitalized society.  相似文献   

Biowatch South Africa and the challenges in enforcing its constitutional right to access to information     

Wilhelm Peekhaus 《Government Information Quarterly》2011,28(4):542-552

This paper examines the difficulties encountered by Biowatch, a South African civil society environmental organization, in its attempts to obtain access to government information in respect of genetically engineered plants. After establishing the context of South Africa's access to information regime, including a brief discussion of several of its weaknesses, the paper engages in an extended account of the Biowatch case as an exemplar of some of the more pronounced challenges to the effective implementation of the country's access to information legislation. The elaboration of the case is based on interviews conducted with the Director of Biowatch and counsel from the Legal Resources Centre that aided Biowatch, as well as various internal and court documents provided by Biowatch and its lawyers.  相似文献   

The evolution of the policy objectives of South Korea's Broadband Convergence Network from 2004 to 2007     

Siddhartha Menon Author Vitae 《Government Information Quarterly》2011,28(2):280-289

The purpose of this study is to explore the South Korean government's policy objectives for the Broadband Convergence Network (BcN) between 2004 and 2007. The BcN is envisioned as conduit for broadband content and applications. This paper uses generativity as a conceptual framework to determine whether the objectives for the BcN, based on a content analysis of policy documents and interviews with experts, empowered the network to sustain a generative critical information infrastructure. This study is designed to be useful for executives in the private sector, officials in government and academics in university settings who are interested in drawing insights from Korean experience to inform their own work.  相似文献   

Patterns of intergroup attitudes in South Africa after 1994     

Elirea Bornman 《Int J Intercult Relat》2011,35(6):729-748

In the heterogeneous South African society, race has become not only the major organizing principle, but also the primary unit of social analysis. The concept “intergroup relations” has consequently predominantly been associated with racial relations and “intergroup attitudes” with “interracial attitudes”. Interest in South African race relations has furthermore been enhanced by the tumultuous struggle against apartheid. A substantive body of research acquired during apartheid indeed points to interracial tension. The advent of a new political dispensation in 1994 has been accompanied with expectations that increased intergroup contact, in particular, would result in improved interracial relations. The current study investigates intergroup attitudes after 1994. Three countrywide surveys were conducted in 1998, 2001 and 2009 using representative samples of all major racial groups. The results indicate that overall attitudes were more positive among more affluent and urbanized communities. However, there are indications of prevailing negative relations, in particular between Blacks and Afrikaans-speaking Whites. While the attitudes of Afrikaans-speaking Whites seem to have become more positive, that has not been the case to the same extent for Blacks. Blacks also appear to be less positive towards English-speaking Whites than during apartheid. Overall, the results point to more positive intergroup attitudes in some instances, but also to potential emerging points of tension.  相似文献   

韩国技术水平评价方法分析及启示     

叶京 《科技管理研究》2021,(6)

近年来,技术水平评价作为制定研发投入的基础性工作得到世界各国的重视。尤其是韩国科学技术评价院(KISTEP)每两年一次以国家战略技术为对象实施技术水平评价,其评价结果得到广泛认可。考察韩国技术水平评价实施情况,为我国开展技术水平评价工作提供具有操作性的参考。通过网络调研法和案例分析法,从评价实施机构和历程的纵向、横向两方面梳理韩国技术水平评价的实施情况,从评价方法完善视角分析总结韩国技术水平评价方法的实施经验。韩国通过立法保障评价工作定期且长期实施,建立评价结果相关信息的共享平台,加强定性分析与定量分析结合,不断完善评价方法,形成自身特色的技术水平评价体系,有助于我国改进和完善技术水平评价方法,健全技术水平评价体系。  相似文献