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Content Analysis by the Crowd: Assessing the Usability of Crowdsourcing for Coding Latent Constructs
Fabienne Lind Maria Gruber Hajo G. Boomgaarden 《Communication methods and measures》2017,11(3):191-209
Crowdsourcing platforms are commonly used for research in the humanities, social sciences and informatics, including the use of crowdworkers to annotate textual material or visuals. Utilizing two empirical studies, this article systematically assesses the potential of crowdcoding for less manifest contents of news texts, here focusing on political actor evaluations. Specifically, Study 1 compares the reliability and validity of crowdcoded data to that of manual content analyses; Study 2 proceeds to investigate the effects of material presentation, different types of coding instructions and answer option formats on data quality. We find that the performance of the crowd recommends crowdcoded data as a reliable and valid alternative to manually coded data, also for less manifest contents. While scale manipulations affected the results, minor modifications of the coding instructions or material presentation did not significantly influence data quality. In sum, crowdcoding appears a robust instrument to collect quantitative content data. 相似文献
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Mark Boukes Hajo G. Boomgaarden Marjolein Moorman Claes H. De Vreese 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(3):354-378
Opinionated news targets communities of likeminded viewers, relies on dramaturgical storytelling techniques, and shares characteristics with political satire. Accordingly, opinionated news should be understood as a specific form of political entertainment. We have investigated the mechanisms underlying the effects of opinionated news on political attitudes using an experimental design that employed manipulated television news items. Findings confirm that opinionated news positively affects policy attitudes via its presumed influence on others and subsequent perceptions of the opinion climate. However, opinionated news also negatively affects attitudes via hostile media perceptions and evoked anger, especially for people with incongruent political preferences. Due to these opposing processes, we found no total effect of opinionated news on policy attitudes. Conditions are discussed under which either the positive or the negative indirect effect is likely to dominate. 相似文献
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Sanne Kruikemeier Adrian Paul Aparaschivei Hajo G. Boomgaarden Guda Van Noort Rens Vliegenthart 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(6):821-850
This study provides a systematic investigation of party and candidate websites across five countries. It examines three prominent features of current online political communication (interactivity, political personalization, and mobilization). Furthermore it assesses to what extent country, party, and source characteristics explain differences in the usage of these features. In total, 63 websites and 416 pages in Germany, Romania, Hungary, the Netherlands, and Great Britain were subject to a systematic content analysis. The findings suggest that differences in party and source characteristics explain variation in levels of mobilization, interactivity, and personalization, with, for example, party websites trying to mobilize citizens while websites belonging to politicians are used as a platform for self-promotion. In general, results show that the division of countries into East and West European is less important. 相似文献
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Hajo Frölich 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2019,55(6):854-870
ABSTRACTIn China, unlike in many of the other cases treated in this special issue, it would seem that the standard style of writing by hand did not undergo any significant changes over the course of the twentieth century. Accordingly, the development of everyday Chinese handwriting has not been studied much. This article, however, shows that subtle yet significant changes occurred in both handwriting and the teaching of handwriting. Those changes were part and parcel of China’s twentieth-century quest for identity in a changing world. By analysing curricula and handwriting manuals from the 1900s to the 1980s, I demonstrate how, within a standard framework of “good” handwriting inherited from Imperial China, economic, societal, and nationalist considerations of the Republican, Maoist, and reform-era regimes caused the emphasis to shift back and forth between speed, down-to-earth pragmatism, and aesthetics – or, in other words, between utility and identity. Even within one given standard style of handwriting, therefore, seemingly minor shifts can tell us a lot about larger political and economic developments. To provide some background, I also briefly refer to the debates and measures regarding the abandonment or simplification of Chinese characters during the first half of the twentieth century. 相似文献
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