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Past research on how discussions with non-like-minded others impacts political participation has focused mostly on structural attributes of discussion networks, and—as a result—has produced inconsistent findings. This study, therefore, introduced the concept of discussion orientation—one's willingness to express and listen in political discussion, even when disagreement exists—as a predispositional explanation of the impact of discussion heterogeneity on political participation. Based on the national telephone survey data, during the course of the 2004 election, we find a strong main effect of individual predisposition to express different opinions on political participation. In addition, the link between discussion heterogeneity and political participation is significantly stronger for those respondents who exhibit a willingness to express different opinions during those conversations. 相似文献
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This study examines people's willingness and ability to engagein various forms of public discussion. Public discussion isoperationalized along two distinctively different dimensions:rational exchange of ideas or arguments among citizens or deliberation,on the one hand, and opinion expression under situations ofsocial pressure or at least perceived pressure on the other.Based on survey data collected during the 1996 presidentialelection campaign, the two dimensions of public discussion anddistinctive sets of antecedents for each of the dimensions areexamined. In order to answer the question of why respondentsengage in specific types of public discussion, ordinary leastsquares and logistic regression techniques and structural equationmodeling are employed to examine more carefully the processesthat link explanatory variables and dimensions of public discussion.The results provide some support for Schumpeter's assumptionthat an informed and rational citizen does not exist, at leastnot in the political realm. Among friends and family, the discussionof political issues is driven by cognitive factors, communicationvariables, and civic skills. If respondents are faced with ananonymous and potentially hostile environment, however, affectivevariables like majority pressures and fear of isolation becomethe dominant factors. Implications for future research are outlinedand policy recommendations are formulated. 相似文献
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Shirley S. Ho Andrew R. Binder Amy B. Becker Patricia Moy Dietram A. Scheufele Dominique Brossard 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):343-374
Despite a large body of literature documenting factors influencing general political participation, research has lagged in understanding what motivates participation regarding specific issues. Our research fills this gap by examining the interplay of perceptions of media bias, trust in government, and political efficacy on individuals' levels of general and issue-specific political participation. Using survey data with indicators related to general political participation, our results demonstrate that perceptions of media bias overall are negatively related to general political participation. Moreover, this relationship is an indirect one, mediated by trust in government and political efficacy. Using survey data with indicators of issue-specific political participation in the context of stem cell research, our results show that—contrary to the relationship found for general political participation—perceptions of media bias are directly and positively associated with issue-specific participation. Implications for political participation and media bias theories are discussed. 相似文献
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Patricia Moy Dietram A. Scheufele R. Lance Holbert 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1-2):27-45
Robert Putnam (1995a, 19956) charged that television is the driving force behind the decline in social capital in America. He argued that television viewing has privatized our leisure time, thus inhibiting participation outside the home. However, Putnam's time displacement hypothesis never has been tested. We empirically examined the extent to which television reduces social capital through time displacement. Analyses of data from a Midwestern city (N = 416) did not support the time displacement hypothesis; time spent with television did not affect civic engagement through perceptions of time pressure. There was only a direct negative impact of television viewing time on civic engagement. Time spent reading newspapers enhanced engagement. Moreover, this relation worked indirectly through time pressures-the more time spent with newspapers, the less time pressures one perceived. 相似文献
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Perceptions of 'Public Opinion' and 'Public' Opinion Expression 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
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