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1.
臭氧层问题以及围绕此达成的蒙特利尔议定书是上个世纪80年代国际环境合作治理重大事件,美国关于臭氧层问题的政策是美国环境外交的重点。无论是臭氧层保护的国际协商,还是最终签署的蒙特利尔议定书,美国是在反环境形象的里根总统任期内实现的。探究里根政府的臭氧环境外交,有助于把握上个世纪80年代美国环境外交的特征和基本走向。 相似文献
2.
Robert O. Nordvold 《Communication quarterly》2013,61(1):34-38
An analysis of the 1980 Presidential Debate between Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan reveals that the restrictions upon the event itself and the television medium through which it was transmitted contributed very little toward establishing any confrontational results. 相似文献
3.
滕海键 《西南师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2007,33(6):199-205
20世纪80年代初，罗纳德·里根就任美国总统后推行某种“反环境”政策：通过加强对管制法规的监督与审查和放松环境管制，削减环保机构的预算与编制，任命保守派人士担当环境部门领导职务，将更多环境职责移交给各州和地方政府等措施来倒转70年代的环保政策。里根政府的“反环境”政策有着深刻的历史背景和多方面的成因，它对美国的环境政策与环保事业造成了复杂的后果和影响。 相似文献
4.
安然 《北京师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,(2):52-57
中产阶级的生产主义精神是推动美国崛起的重要精神动力。随着自由竞争机制的松弛,这一动力日趋衰退,引发了“滞胀”危机。“里根革命”通过减税、福利改革、放松政府管制、扶植中小企业等措施修复了自由竞争机制,导致美国中产阶级消费水平的下降、消费结构的调整和工作动机的提升,推动着中产阶级生产主义的回归和社会发展精神动力的复苏,美国经济由此得以摆脱危机,回归上升的轨道。 相似文献
5.
In his post‐presidential discourse, Ronald Reagan did not assume a typical jeremiadic posture, warning that America was straying from conservative dogma. Instead, he warned of other dangers, some of which required alteration in conservatism. He combined those warnings with an optimistic celebration of American exceptionalism. In that way, they served a function similar to a traditional jeremiad, but from an optimistic perspective and without any sense that the nation was straying from its covenant. We coin the term, Covenant‐affirming Jeremiad, to describe the rhetorical characteristic of these addresses. 相似文献
6.
从里根时代看美国人权外交的基本特征和实质 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
罗会钧 《湖南师范大学社会科学学报》2000,29(5):43-51
自卡特总统正式提出人权外交以来,人权外交成了美国历届政府对外政策的一项重要议事日程。文章认为,自卡特以来的几届政府中,里根政府的人权外交具有某些典型性。通过考察这一时期的人权外交,可以更准确、全面地把握美国人权外交的基本特征与实质。 相似文献
7.
This essay draws upon the work of Northrop Frye to show that stories enacting the American Dream contain elements associated with romance, and briefly traces how Ronald Reagan and conservatives utilized the romance of the American Dream to the point that many Americans associated it exclusively with conservatism. The essay then details how Barack Obama, in his 2004 Democratic Convention keynote address, recast the American dream from a conservative to a liberal story. 相似文献
8.
Michael S. Bruner 《Communication quarterly》2013,61(4):319-328
This essay presents the argument that samples from public discourse during the period 1961–1989 reveal several different symbolic uses of the Berlin Wall. Not only are these differences interesting from the point of view of rhetorical theory, they may reflect something of the never‐completed struggle between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union, between the cultures these nations have made, and between the nations these cultures have made. 相似文献
9.
This article presents a discourse analysis of President Ronald Reagan’s 1983 State of the Union Address. Focusing on questions of scale, the article considers how and with what effects Reagan reconstructs education as a local, state, national and global endeavour. It is argued that by situating education in a competitive global economy, Reagan justifies his project of rolling back social/educational programmes and placing the USA’s institutions more squarely in service to capitalist growth. Furthermore, it is argued that Reagan’s efforts to rescale education and society contribute to a New Right project of re-establishing a white-dominated racial order in the USA and around the world. Although Reagan did not prioritise education in his domestic agenda, his statements on education advanced the New Right’s project of rescaling society and set the terms of debate in education for subsequent presidents. 相似文献
10.
许平 《历史教学(高校版)》2006,2(5):5-8
自由与平等是资本主义的两大基本原则。它们之间的张力是资本主义发展演进的动力。20世纪，资本主义经历了罗斯福“新政”、里根革命和“第三条道路”三次大调整。从根本意义上说，每次调整都是根据变化了的形势在自由与平等之间寻找平衡点。三次调整，三次蜕变，资本主义具有了现代色彩。 相似文献