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While a great many studies have dealt with medieval poetry, they have failed to discuss the poetry of longing (?anīn) as a separate genre, independent of other genres, especially elegies (in particular poems that lament the fate of cities) and poems of salvation and lament. Nor has any study so far undertaken a comparison between works of this genre by Muslim and by Jewish poets.In this article, we shall discuss the growth of the poetry of longing in Muslim Spain and provide a number of examples of verses composed by Muslim and Jewish poets who were born in the cities of Andalusia and shared a common fate: many of them were persecuted for a variety of reasons and forced into a life of wandering and exile, and suffered banishment, imprisonment and torture. The ways they expressed their longing for their native cities possessed similarities but also differences, depending on the way each such poet perceived the land of the west and the scenes of his native city. The differences were particularly marked with respect to the way Jewish poets viewed the cities in which they had been born. 相似文献
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Patricia Skinner 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(2):125-138
This article concerns itself with the references in Ibn ?ayyān's Muqtabis, Book V, to an Amalfitan presence at the court of Cordoba in the middle of the fourth/tenth century. It will be argued that these isolated references to a precociously early, Italian, mercantile presence in Spain, taken largely at face value by the text's editor and all but neglected in Amalfitan historiography, need to be interrogated to determine whether they fit the fourth/tenth-century context of Amalfitan–Muslim relations, or should be read against their fifth/eleventh-century context as evidence for a golden age of the Caliphate which, by Ibn ?ayyān's day, was already passing into memory and myth. Using contemporary, comparative evidence from Barcelona, the article examines the possibility of communications between Italy and Spain in the earlier period, and concludes that the conditions were probably right for an Amalfitan arrival, but rapidly changed by Ibn ?ayyān's day to exclude them from further contacts. 相似文献
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Nicola Clarke 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(1):67-83
ABSTRACTIn the medieval Islamic world, elite men were the benchmark of hegemonic masculinity and social power. A presumption of masculine authority within the household shaped the way early medieval rulers were described by chroniclers, and how medieval fathers related to their sons. The formal and informal ways in which they interacted with lower status men – whether their clients, their courtiers, or their sons – were hedged about with the symbolic language of gender. The article focuses on the ways in which certain Andalusī literary sources talk about relations of fathers and their sons with the ruling Umayyad family, to offer an additional dimension to our picture of how the dynasty conceptualised and legitimised its power. 相似文献
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Rachid El Hour 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(3):288-298
The Berber language has historically been a key element in the socio-cultural and ethnic fabric of the Maghrib. Consequently, in recent years there have been several initiatives to recover and interpret the information Arabic sources provide on the Berber language and the role played by Berber peoples in the consolidation of Islam in this area.Studies of the Berber language and peoples have primarily centred on chronicles and geographical sources, but scholars have devoted less attention to other sources, especially hagiographies. With the exception of some specific work, the role of the Berber language and peoples in hagiographic literature has not been systematically analysed. The analysis presented in this article suggests that some hagiographic sources, especially those written by Berber authors, while avoiding an open defence of Berber identity, in fact hid it behind comments and quotes of a linguistic nature. This study, although it includes some additional references to the Mārinid, Wa??āsid and Sa?did periods, concentrates on the Almohads, and deals with written sources, both Andalusi and Maghribi. 相似文献
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Alwyn Harrison 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(1):35-51
This article seeks primarily to call for a reappraisal of Richard Bulliet's well-known “curve of conversion” and of its interpretation, for it has been largely misinterpreted. It is argued, with particular reference to the Christian experience in al-Andalus, that reading the data as Bulliet intended could have a significant effect on how we view the historical process of conversion in the early Islamic world. Thus, since Bulliet's data do not support the prevailing view regarding Christianity's survival under Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula, it is proposed that the evidence available in the particularly weak historical record for this period and place is enough to warrant reconsideration of the nature and length of that survival. 相似文献
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Jonathan Jarrett 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2019,31(2):196-222
ABSTRACT The “World of Medieval Islands” project invites the questioning of the category of island from medieval evidence, and coincided with another project of the author’s that was undertaking a similar exercise with medieval frontiers. Combining these two research areas, this article investigates two island, or island-like, zones that were situated at the edges of early medieval polities, primarily (though variably) of Umayyad al-Andalus, and compares their situation so as to elucidate what about their geopolitical situation made them island-like and how steady that likeness was. Working through the historiographies of the Balearic Islands, which shifted from Byzantine to Islamic control through a variably evaluated transition period, and of the Muslim settlement at La Garde-Freinet, Provence, from inception to extermination, the article concludes that what was island-like or indeed frontier-like about both areas was not continuous, and that the category “island” is historically contingent and subjective, despite its apparent geographic concreteness. 相似文献
7.
Fabrizio Benente 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2018,30(2):148-165
This article examines a set of lustreware pottery discovered in the fill of the tower belonging to the Genoese family, the Embriaci. The finds are datable to the mid-thirteenth century, characterised by decorative patterns which are atypical in lustreware production in al-Andalus, though some comparisons can be drawn with the decorative patterns of the “vasos de la Alhambra” and the pottery known as “nazarí primitive”. The context of the discovery in Genoa will briefly be outlined, including the story of the family settlement (Part 1), the stratigraphic sequence (Part 2), and the stylistic connections to other pottery characterising it (Part 3). The formal and decorative elements characterising the lustreware pottery found in the Embriaci Tower will then be examined and compared (Part 4) with finds from the Upper Tyrrhenian region (Provence, Savona, Pisa). Part 5 will suggest that the finds are a specific type of decorated lustreware produced in the thirteenth century in al-Andalus (Murcia, Málaga and Almería). The concluding part (Part 6) will investigate the meaning of the presence of the set of imported ceramics in the “curia” of the Embriaci family in Genoa.
This type of pottery has only been discovered hitherto in excavation finds and architectural contexts (the so called “bacini”) in Italy and France. The identification of decorative and formal elements characterising this “group” of pottery will allow the identification of examples of this production outside of Italy and France. The publication of the findings will provide new data to develop an archaeological overview of commercial contacts between al-Andalus and the Tyrrhenian area (Provence, Liguria, Tuscany) during the thirteenth century. 相似文献
8.
AbstractIn this article, we study the evolution of competitive sport and sporting recreations in medieval Córdoba, from the Umayyad Muslims (756–1236) to the Christians (since 1236). In this diachronic study, firstly we compare the competitive sport and sporting recreations of the Muslim East (especially those of the Abbasid period) with those of Muslim Córdoba, in order to know the level of Arabization of those practices in Córdoba, and if competitive sport is more predominant than recreations or vice versa. Secondly, we study if competitive sport and sporting recreations had the same presence in Muslim Córdoba and Christian Córdoba (or if one predominated over the other), and the possible reasons for it. We conclude: (1) that in Muslim Córdoba, sporting recreations were more important than competitive sport, unlike what happened in the great Muslim cities of the East; (2) Arabization is almost total regarding the types of sport and recreations implanted in Córdoba but low regarding horse sports and the importance of competitive sport; and (3) that Christian Córdoba shows a very different character, since competitive sport is very important (largely because by that time Córdoba had become a frontier city). 相似文献
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