共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 546 毫秒
1.
分析了当前民事行政抗诉案件中存在的问题：抗诉范围过宽，抗诉效果不确定，证据滞后，以及上诉制度功能的弱化等。在此基础上，本提出了改革和完善抗诉制度的建议：限制抗诉时证据收集的范围，完善现有的抗诉程序，在抗诉对象上应进行调整，抗诉时间的调整。 相似文献
2.
就我国的实际情况而言,民事抗诉制度仍有存在的必要。对于这一制度,2007年10月修改的《民事诉讼法》尽管在抗诉事由等方面进行了完善,但在抗诉的客体范围、抗诉程序的启动之限制、抗诉的次数等方面有必要作进一步的完善。 相似文献
3.
杨聪 《北京师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2010,(5):104-108
在大众媒介的传播过程中,符号的生产和消费导致社会大众的客体化,这个视野中的大众的抵抗仅仅是对消费过程的抵抗,并不能让自己产生真正的主体性;由于虚拟的普遍化,在互联网上,个体与媒介环境分离的矛盾变为个体自身的矛盾,而大众文化对个体的影响可能更为深入;但是,作为任何个人都可以自由使用的认识工具和传媒手段,互联网提供了从实际生活出发、反映实践中的矛盾和探求解决方向的新的可能性,在这个基础上,能指和所指也才能实现真正的统一。 相似文献
4.
郑猛 《四川三峡学院学报》2013,(5):51-54
清末民初,上海等沿海沿江通商口岸的商会自成立以后就与资本主义列强战和不止,与此同时也与本国政府进行合作与斗争;贵阳等内地的商会由于自身力量很弱,容易受政府的控制,对抗的时候不多,但也有一定的斗争。在沿海通商口岸商会领导下,近代商会在中国近代历史上有一定的积极作用。 相似文献
5.
寻找女人的桃花源——评杨丽达的小说《桃花塘记》 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
刘铁群 《海南师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,20(4):82-84
中篇小说《桃花塘记》是桂林女作家杨丽达的最新力作。小说中的主人公解花雨和青娥在抵制父权制文化规范,拯救自我的道路上努力前行,并为此付出了沉重的代价。解花雨患了抑郁症,青娥则陷入疯狂。然而,患抑郁症和发疯不仅是解花雨和青娥反抗的结果,也是她们反抗的一种具体方式。小说将叙述的背景设置在桃花塘精神病院并不是为了编织离奇的故事,而是要展示解花雨和青娥执着的反抗。 相似文献
6.
David E. Long 《Cultural Studies of Science Education》2010,5(1):257-261
The Answers in Genesis Creation Museum opened in May of 2007. During the opening day, a loosely affiliated group of scientists
joined in a Rally for Reason as they termed it to protest the museum’s potential effect on science in the United States. This
paper discusses ethnographic data collected before and during the rally. Scientist narratives disclose the rationale for their
participation at the rally, unpacking their hopes, fears and social ideals vis-à-vis their perception of the Museum’s impact.
With these ideals, I discuss the lacking discourse between the values of ideal of science literacy, the contested authority
of museums and their publics, and a lacking conception of how a valuerationality aligned towards the Museum’s message continues
to be culturally produced. 相似文献
7.
兰耀军 《安徽广播电视大学学报》2004,(3):37-40
刑事抗诉在司法实践中长期遭遇冷落是一个不容辩驳的事实.其中主要原因之一来自<刑事诉讼法>所设计的抗诉程序.分析二审抗诉程序中撤回抗诉制度和再审抗诉程序中指令再审制度存在的问题,并提出相应的对策,有利于刑事抗诉制度的完善. 相似文献
8.
This study looks at 282 urban citizens' attitudes about campus dissent, attitudes about the legitimacy of a campus disturbance, and their satisfaction with a university soon after a serious campus disturbance.A majority of urban citizens were satisfied with the university. Their beliefs about the university were heavily related to their satisfaction. Younger, more educated citizens, as well as those with more university-related experiences and those with more positive attitudes about campus freedom of expression, have more positive attitudes about campus dissent. Most urban citizens did not consider the campus disturbance to be a legitimate form of social protest. Urban citizens with more positive attitudes about campus dissent and those who did not believe that many subversive activities were going on at the university were more apt to view the disturbance as a legitimate form of social protest. 相似文献
9.
Belinda A. Stillion Southard 《Quarterly Journal of Speech》2020,106(3):258-268
ABSTRACT This contribution explores “shuttling rhetorics” to help explain why the story of the National Woman's Party (NWP) framed many suffrage centennial celebrations. Drawing parallels between the tactics of the NWP and the Greenham Common Peace Camp of the 1980s and 1990s, this essay puts forth shuttling rhetorics as a way to trace movement as a mode of resistance. As an analytic, shuttling rhetorics allow critics to unsettle traditional understandings of protest rhetorical situations and understand how (mostly white) protestors’ expectations of violence and survival expose their inherent dependence on body privilege. 相似文献
10.
As part of a large-scale university survey, a random sample of faculty (75% of whom had had firsthand experience with serious student revolt) were asked for their reaction to a series of questions dealing with student protest — with the reasons for it, the kinds of student protest tactics employed, and the type of actions an administration might take to control it. Statistical comparisons were made between faculty, students, and administrators; and among faculty across disciplines to try to account for different attitudes. Findings suggest that faculty differ less among themselves than from other university constituent groups as to attitude about protest. They tend to distinguish sharply between dissent (which they support) and disruption (which they do not), and to favor responses to protest which keep the university open and functioning. Finally, the view is advanced that violent unrest is the unfortunate result of reciprocal escalation which can be avoided by attention to the causes of dissent rather than its dramatic manifestations.Revised and adapted from a paper delivered at the National Convention of the American Educational Studies Association, Washington, D.C., November 1972 相似文献
11.
David Kowalewski 《Higher Education》1982,11(1):51-65
Student and non-student protest in both the Soviet Union and Japan is compared through analysis of protest demonstrations. Correlates between student dissent and a number of protest demonstration variables in the two samples are presented. Comparisons between student and non-student dissidence along several contextual, behavioral, and outcome characteristics are found similar in both countries. The uniformity in comparative structure is hypothesized to derive from similar characteristics in the two post-industrial countries. Conclusions for subsequent research and policy implications for the future stability of advanced developed societies are drawn. 相似文献
12.
This study explores how academics create safe spaces in university classrooms to engage in dialogue about education protest actions in South Africa. Utilising the research methodology of narrative inquiry and the theoretical framework of Pedagogy of Compassion, this paper explores how academics reflect on their responses to change and protest actions and how they co-construct knowledge with students in light of this change. Data capture included a mix of focus group interviews, participant reflections, field notes and a researcher journal and was analysed by means of the content analysis method. Findings reveal that lecturers had to navigate through the institutional quagmire and were confronted by polarised thinking of students. Furthermore, it seemed that student protest actions had a negative effect on lecturers. However, despite the tide of negativity and resistance, lecturers became transformative intellectuals and created safe spaces for students to engage in dialogue and to shatter the ‘normative’ silence. 相似文献
13.
先秦两汉魏晋南北朝的文学理论认为，创伤目的一是言志抒情，二是兴、观、群、怨；艺术构思是文学创作的中心，想象在构思中起着重要的作用；文学创作要求内容和形式必须统一。 相似文献
14.
张永攀 《四川师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2006,33(1):124-134
1935年开始,英印开始关注中印边界东段,逐渐蓄谋在“麦克马洪线”的扩张,并寻找机会废除阿萨姆北部部落地区的奴隶制保留权,逐步向北推进英印的行政管辖权;阿萨姆省总督也向英印政府提出了一份旨在向麦线以南地区推进的报告,即所谓“前进政策”。然而,英印派遣莱特福特到达旺地区活动,引起了西藏地方官员的极大愤慨和抗议,英印最终被迫采纳了“控制手段”政策。 相似文献
15.
Lynda Dunlop Lucy Atkinson Denise Mc Keown Maria Turkenburg-van Diepen 《British Educational Research Journal》2021,47(6):1540-1559
A necessary condition for a functioning democracy is the participation of its citizens, including its youth. This is particularly true for political participation in environmental decisions, because these decisions can have intergenerational consequences. In this article we examine young people’s beliefs about one form of political participation—protest—in the context of communities affected by fracking and associated anti-fracking protest, and discuss the implications of these representations for education. Drawing on focus groups with 121 young people (aged 15–19) in five schools and colleges near sites which have experienced anti-fracking protest in England and Northern Ireland, we find young people well-informed about avenues for formal and non-formal political participation against a background of disillusionment with formal political processes and varying levels of support for protest. We find representations of protest as disruptive, divisive, extreme, less desirable than other forms of participation and ineffective in bringing about change but effective in awareness-raising. These representations are challenging, not least because the way protest is interpreted is critical to the way people think and act in the world. These representations of environmental protest must be challenged through formal education in order to safeguard the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and ensure that the spirit of Article 11 of the UK Human Rights Act is protected. 相似文献
16.
人民检察院作为我国法定的法律监督机关,对人民法院作出的判决、裁定,认为确有错误时,可以依法向上一级人民法院提出抗诉,要求人民法院重新审理。但作为公权力一种的刑事抗诉权的行使必须受到一定条件的制约,以防止权力的滥用。二审刑事抗诉应该符合《最高人民检察院关于刑事抗诉工作的若干意见》的规定,并不应超越一审起诉的范围,否则就是越权。对于一审起诉确有错误的,应按检察机关内部监督程序处理。 相似文献
17.
也谈韩愈“不平则鸣” 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
“不平则鸣”是韩愈探讨文学自身艺术特质的理论核心,是其人生经历的切身体会与感悟。在历史的环境中正确把握“不平”、“鸣什么”是我们全面、客观理解“不平则鸣”原味的前疆。 相似文献
18.
吴万群 《安徽教育学院学报》2005,23(1):45-47
拒绝证明是一个抽象的概念,其外在形式具有多样性.在持票人直接取得拒绝证明困难时,一些机关的文件也起着拒绝证明的替代作用.在法定的条件下,持票人可以免除提供拒绝证明而行使追索权. 相似文献
19.
在民事诉讼检察监督的实务中,检察机关常常对案件事实进行调查,并依据调查过程收集到的能够证明法院对案件事实做出错误认定的证据提出抗诉。然而,检察机关依据其调查的新证据提出抗诉是否会使双方当事人在诉讼中处于失衡的地位,使申请抗诉的一方借助检察机关的公权力来收集对自己有利的证据,这是颇具争议的问题。那么,检察机关在抗诉监督的过程中能否对已被法院认定的案件事实重新调查取证？能否依据调取的新证据提出抗诉？本文将针对以上问题进行分析论证。 相似文献
20.
王莉 《沙洋师范高等专科学校学报》2012,13(3):55-58
霍尔顿和惜春的相似之处在于他们对人对物冷漠的态度和个性,而这种冷漠来自他们以敏锐的观察力和判断力对各自所处时代环境的深刻洞悉。因此,他们都通过或试图通过放弃世俗生活的方式向各自所生存的世界义无返顾地做出反抗。 相似文献