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1.
Talk radio has emerged as a major political force in the past few years, but there is little systematic evidence on how talk shows may affect listeners. The author uses national survey data to investigate how talk radio exposure may influence two important aspects of a healthy democracy: political efficacy and participation. The author concludes that talk radio is unrelated to self‐efficacy, the belief of one's own competence to deal with public affairs. However, attention to talk radio leads to less system efficacy, the belief in the responsiveness of government institutions and officials. Finally, exposure is found to be strongly related to participating in a number of conventional political activities.  相似文献   

2.
Drawing on a national survey of 1,157 South Korean adults, the present study finds that social media use for political news is positively associated with knowledge about political issues, but not with knowledge about political processes. Professional media use for political news is significantly associated with both political issue knowledge and political process knowledge. The impact of social media for news on political issue knowledge increases with the additive role of professional media news use. This study also finds that political talk strengthens the positive association between social media use for news and political issue knowledge.  相似文献   

3.
This study extends the Gamson Hypothesis, which asserts that trust and self-efficacy affect political activity, by examining how reliance on mainstream and alternative sources of political information interact with trust, self-efficacy, and political activity. Overall, this study supports the Gamson Hypothesis: Dissidents (those high in self-efficacy and low in political trust) are more likely to protest the government than Assureds (high levels of trust and efficacy), who are more likely to engage in more conventional political activities. Dissidents avoid online newspapers and broadcast news sites and instead turn to more polarizing sources, such as radio talk shows and political blogs. On the other hand, Assureds rely on mainstream sources such as broadcast television online and avoid more partisan sources such as political Web sites and talk radio.  相似文献   

4.
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5.
Nontraditional sources of news, such as talk radio and the Internet, complement and sometimes replace traditional mainstream news sources. Using discriminant function analysis, this study reveals the role of values in predicting listening to political talk and religious radio programs. A model using the construct of “value equivalence” explains value differences between user and media that may affect whether or not news from nontraditional sources will be sought and used. Research questions are answered using data from the 2004 Pew Research Center Biennial Consumption Survey. Using selected independent variables (including value-based variables) to predict listening to the Rush Limbaugh program, 59% of all cases in this study were correctly classified. Using the same set of value-based variables to predict listening to religious radio shows yielded nearly 74% correctly classified cases.  相似文献   

6.
Air America is a self-identified liberal radio talk show network initiated in the months before the 2004 U.S. presidential election. This article examines Air America's efforts to gain legitimacy in politically tense times as well as attract audience through its use of comic genres. The article explores how its grappling with fundamental questions of political truth versus lies shapes the form and content of its shows. The growing popularity of Web logs may also contribute to the continued existence of the shows: Air America illustrates the reciprocal influences of talk radio and blogs, as well as the roles of both in political interaction.  相似文献   

7.
This study examines how people perceive the influence of political talk radio in Hong Kong. Theoretically, the study focuses on the influence of message-attitude congruence, that is, the situation in which a person's opinions or attitudes are consistent with the viewpoints promulgated by media messages, on the third-person perception. It is argued that message-attitude congruence provides a situation in which people may attribute their attitudes partly to media influence. Hence message-attitude congruence is expected to relate to increased levels of perceived media influence on self, and thereby weaken the size of the third-person differential. Moreover, it is hypothesized that attribution of media influence should be more likely when people perceive the media influence as desirable and when there is the absence of alternative sources of influence. These arguments were tested with a telephone survey (N = 800) in Hong Kong, where political talk radio has been a prominent medium in the past decade. The results support the theoretical arguments and contribute to our understanding of the significance of the medium in the city. The broader theoretical implications of the findings are also discussed.  相似文献   

8.
The abundance of political media outlets raises concerns that citizens isolate themselves to likeminded news, leaving the public with infrequent shared media experiences and little exposure to disagreeable information. Network analysis of 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey data (N = 57,967) indicates these worries are exaggerated, as general interest news outlets like local newspapers and non-partisan television news are central to the public’s media environment. Although there is some variation between the media diets of Republicans and Democrats (FOX News and conservative talk radio are central to Republicans’ information network), neither group appears to engage in active avoidance of disagreeable information. Individuals across the political spectrum are not creating partisan “echo chambers” but instead have political media repertoires that are remarkably similar.  相似文献   

9.
Media outlets and platforms in contemporary societies do not operate in isolation, but are interconnected with each other in various ways. The influence and significance of a medium can therefore depend on what Bolter and Grusin (1999 Bolter , J. D. , & Grusin , R. ( 1999 ). Remediation . Cambridge , MA : MIT Press . [Google Scholar]) labeled “remediation,” that is, the processes through which a medium is represented by other media. Content adaptation—the selective appropriation of the contents of another medium—is a specific means of remediation. This article applies these theoretical principles to the study of talk radio in Hong Kong. It examines how newspapers appropriate the contents of political talk radio and how content adaptation by the press affects people's perceptions of talk radio. Empirically, a content analysis shows that newspapers regularly cover talk radio contents, but the coverage is affected by the journalistic paradigms the newspapers adopt. Based on the content analysis, hypotheses about the relationships between news consumption, talk radio listening, and perceived value of talk radio are set up and tested by data from a representative survey (N = 862). The findings confirm the presence of “content adaptation effects.”  相似文献   

10.
In a now-famous article, Robert Putnam traced changes in interpersonal (IP) trust, civic engagement, and political trust in the United States during the past 3 decades. Although trust in government has declined, so have IP trust and civic engagement. Putnam places the blame for the loss of the various components of so-called civic or social capital squarely on television as a medium. We analyze 4 data sets to explain IP trust. Education, newspaper readership, and age are consistent and strong associates of trusting attitudes and behaviors. Reported political talk radio listening and elite electronic news use also are linked to trust. Those high in social trust, however, are not consistently heavier or lighter consumers of television. Putnam's hypothesis, in other words, is not confirmed in these data. Implications, as well as some reasons to continue to entertain the hypothesis, are explored.  相似文献   

11.
Scholars approach a particular phenomenon by their understanding of that phenomenon. In the case of call‐in talk radio, the research has focused primarily on callers and hosts as the active participants in the process. This paper reconsiders that research paradigm by offering a theory of talk radio based on the audience, the listeners. Using the work of Fiumara and Pearce, this study recognizes the centrality of listening to the communication process and reconceptualizes call‐in talk radio as an extended and continuous conversation. Finally, referring to new research, the study posits that the listener actively participates in constructing meaning from call‐in talk radio.  相似文献   

12.
This study examines the role of membership in multiple issue publics by understanding its relationship to media use, online activity, and political knowledge. Using data from Taiwan's 2008 Social Change Survey, the study shows that members of multiple issue publics was positively associated with television watching, political talk show watching, and online news reading. In addition, they were found to engage in specific online activities, including information browsing, information exchanging, information gathering, taking part in forum discussions, and blogging. Therefore, members of multiple issue publics tend to use media with a high level of selectivity and engage in online activities that allow them to express opinions, gain knowledge, or discuss issues with others. A curvilinear relationship was explored and found between multiple issue-public membership and general political knowledge. This demonstrates that individuals' ability to process information may not extend beyond certain boundaries, no matter how many issue publics individuals are involved in.  相似文献   

13.
This study uses original survey data (N = 937) to examine trust in public radio and talk radio as sources for local news. Respondents expressed higher levels of trust in public radio than in talk radio. Trust in public radio was lower than trust in television but greater than trust in Internet sites, while trust in talk radio was lower than trust in television or newspapers. Compared to liberals, conservatives reported less trust in public radio but greater trust in talk radio. The relationships between ideology and trust were stronger among highly educated respondents than among the less educated.  相似文献   

14.
This study analyzes the rhetorical strategies used by Rush Limbaugh to rebuild his public image after he made offensive remarks about law student Sandra Fluke in early 2012. A close reading of Limbaugh's public statements reveals that Limbaugh employed the strategies of evading responsibility, reducing offensiveness, and mortification (i.e., apologizing). However, Limbaugh's apology was more of a pseudo-apology than a genuine apology. This article argues that Limbaugh adopted the strategies he did because the nature of political talk radio makes it more important to maintain a good public image with the audience than with political opponents or even advertisers.  相似文献   

15.
This study focused on call-in talk radio because it provides a unique opportunity to test competing hypotheses drawn from two different perspectives about the appeal of media programming. A good deal of research on call-in talk radio grows from a deficiency perspective, which holds that people seek out media content to fill gaps in their lives. More recent research, however, suggests that, like the selection of other media content, the appeal of talk radio lies in enrichment, or its ability to provide content for specialized interests. A random telephone survey tested competing hypotheses that compared listeners to call-in talk radio with nonlisteners. For the most part, the results supported an enrichment explanation. Compared to nonlisteners, listeners to call-in talk radio listened to the programs for information, perceived themselves as more mobile, and valued arguments. Compared to nonlisteners, callers to the programs were also more civically engaged. Moreover, listening to various subformats of talk radio programs was also likely to signal enrichment.  相似文献   

16.
This article reviews talk radio research and summarizes articles from the trade and popular press that document the phenomenal growth in talk radio since 1987, when the Fairness Doctrine was abolished. Anecdotal evidence suggests that talk radio can have a powerful impact on public debate, especially regarding “hot button “ issues that arouse emotion and address voter frustration with the status quo. Examples include the successful defeat of the proposed Congressional pay raise in 1989 and the election to Congress of a Republican majority in 1994. Talk radio is less successful in rallying listeners on complex issues such as campaign financing reform.  相似文献   

17.
Political communication scholarship has investigated the mobilization effect of citizens’ political discursive behaviors during elections. With the recent advent of SNSs Social Networking Sites (SNSs) in the political communication environment, citizens’ discursive behaviors on SNSs have received increasing academic attention. This study examines (1) whether offline political talk mediates the relationship between political self-efficacy and election campaign activity (a type of political participation); (2) whether its mediation effect differs from that of SNS political talk; and (3) how those mediation effects vary according to citizens’ endorsed political ideologies. The results reveal that the effects of both offline and SNS political talk are statistically significant among conservatives, liberals, and moderates. Interestingly, the mediation effect of SNS political talk was substantially larger among liberals than among conservatives or moderates (i.e. a moderated mediation effect), while the effect of offline political talk was consistent across all three ideological groups. This study demonstrates that the electoral mobilization effect of SNSs is ideology-dependent, and is particularly based on the mismatch between SNS users’ political ideology and the current government's political orientation. Implications and limitations of the study are also discussed.  相似文献   

18.
Comrades at War     
Peter Busch 《Media History》2019,25(4):479-492
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19.
The interplay between Twitter and media organizations has been an increasing area of research. This article examines how talk radio stations have adopted Twitter at an institutional level, based on a comparative study of the official accounts of three prominent talk radio stations in Canada in 2010 and 2011. While talk radio is considered an interpersonal medium, our analysis shows the stations mainly use Twitter as a one-way medium to broadcast news updates, rather than to engage with audiences. Our findings suggest a divergence between institutional and individual social media practices, with official accounts as formal channels of communication.  相似文献   

20.
Political candidates and citizens alike have been turning to nontraditional, "softer" sources of political information such as late-night comedy and daytime talk shows. This is particularly true during presidential elections, when candidates make guest appearances to reach audience members who may or may not be politically engaged, and when discussion of political affairs becomes more prominent. What are the effects of consuming such media content? Using data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey, we examine the effects of watching late-night comedy shows and candidates' appearances on Oprah on various forms of citizenship. Results indicate that watching political infotainment can enhance political engagement, but not for all sectors of the electorate and not all the time. Exposure to late-night comedy and political content on Oprah was associated with increased levels of participation. However, for late-night comedy viewing, the positive association between exposure and 2 criterion variables—intent to vote and interpersonal political discussion—was significantly more pronounced among political sophisticates.  相似文献   

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