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Rugby has given Fiji international recognition and reputation. Not only is rugby a source of national pride but it has also become a valuable export, with an estimated 500 Fijian players currently in foreign leagues in, for instance, New Zealand, Australia, France, England and Japan. The economic and sociocultural gains from rugby migration are often considerable, and consequently, many players in Fiji aspire to secure foreign club contracts as their personal and professional goal. However, little is known about the realities and challenges of the players' lives after their active playing career, the burden of which falls largely upon informal, community-/family-based support networks. Such informal structures are increasingly under strain especially in urban areas and, faced with a lack of formal structural support mechanisms, many retired athletes experience a number of socio-economic and emotional problems. Some negotiate their post-rugby life successfully, while many struggle with becoming and being an ‘ex’. Based on semi-structured interviews, the present paper explores these athletes' experiences of ‘life after rugby’ and illuminates the local and international neoliberal power dynamics that intersects Fiji rugby. 相似文献
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Robert F. Dewey Jr 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(11):1406-1420
Epeli Hau‘ofa's influential essays ‘Our Sea of Islands’ and ‘The Ocean in Us’ advocated the development of an Oceanic identity for the peoples of the Pacific. That cause, he argued, was consistent with geography, history and the need for coordinated responses to navigate a globalising world. It was also consistent with contemporary regional trends, as evidenced by the rise of cultural, intergovernmental and sporting connections. Though Hau‘ofa did not specifically mention rugby, his work raises important implications for understanding the sport's growing regional possibilities. The following paper analyses the Pacific Islands Rugby Alliance (PIRA) in the context outlined by Hau‘ofa. Founded in 2002, PIRA represented a coordinated response by the Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Rugby Unions to the rise of global professional rugby. PIRA's ‘Pacific Islanders’ team undertook tours to the Southern and Northern Hemispheres in 2004, 2006 and 2008 before the organisation's demise in 2009. The article focuses on the following questions: How did PIRA emerge as a regional response to global professional rugby? What were PIRA's goals and what challenges did it confront? How did PIRA incorporate three nations into a new Pacific Islanders ‘brand’? To what extent did PIRA embody the kind of regionalism espoused by Hau‘ofa? 相似文献
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Peter Horton 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(11):1329-1331
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Michele Lo Robert J. Aughey William G. Hopkins Nicholas Gill 《Journal of sports sciences》2013,31(18):2051-2056
ABSTRACTThe extent to which travel has affected Super Rugby teams’ performances was analysed using outcomes of all matches played from the beginning of the competition in 1996 to the end of the 2016 season. Points difference and matches won or lost were predicted with general and generalized mixed linear models. The predictors were the linear effects of number of time zones crossed and travel duration based on the teams’ locations for each match and their locations in the previous week. The away-match disadvantage was also estimated, along with trends in all these effects. In 1996 the predicted combined effect of eastward travel across 12 time zones was a reduction of 5.8 points scored per match, resulting in 4.1 more matches lost every 10 matches. Corresponding effects for westward travel were 6.4 points and 3.1 matches. In 2016 effects travelling eastward were 3.7 points and 2.3 matches, whereas travelling westward the effects were 3.7 points and 1.5 matches. These travel effects were due mainly to the away-match disadvantage: 5.7 points and 3.2 matches in 1996; 5.2 points and 2.3 matches in 2016. Teams in Super Rugby are dealing successfully with long-haul travel and should now focus on reducing the away-match disadvantage. 相似文献
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《Sport in History》2013,33(2):172-189
Former South African Rugby Board President A.J. (‘Sport’) Pienaar once reflected that rugby football was the ‘greatest cementing influence between the Afrikaans and English-speaking sections in the country’. 1 Indeed, when Mark Morrison brought the British Isles team to South Africa in 1903, it was, according to rugby historian Paul Dobson, as ‘a tour of reconciliation’. This was, he added, ‘rugby's contribution to healing the sad and painful wounds of the Anglo-Boer War’. 2 This article will explore the significance of the early pioneering tours as well as the nature of Anglo-Boer relations leading up to the South African War of 1899–1902. Significantly, the post-war tours of 1903 and 1906, the year of the first oversees rugby Springboks, will be examined as early examples of sport being used in South Africa to reconcile a divided society. 相似文献
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Jonty Winch 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(15):1808-1825
AbstractRugby played an influential role in assisting South Africa’s Afrikaners to migrate to the British colonies of Southern and Northern Rhodesia while maintaining strong transnational ties with their country of origin. The focus of this investigation is on the period immediately after the Second World War although it is necessary to locate events within wider social and political developments that shaped societies in the two Central African colonies. For the first half of the twentieth century the Southern Rhodesian government in particular pursued a policy of deliberately limiting the immigration of the Afrikaner, a white population group of Dutch, French or German descent. The British feared the growing strength of Afrikaner nationalism whilst the majority of Rhodesians did not wish to be absorbed by their powerful neighbour. There was nevertheless a shared passion for rugby which was clearly apparent in Rhodesia’s long-established affiliation to the South African parent body. This meant that Rhodesia not only played as a province of South Africa but the highest ambition of their players was to achieve Springbok selection. The linkages were welcomed on both sides with Afrikaans-speaking players strengthening Rhodesian rugby teams in the course of seeking their fortunes in the tobacco and copper industries. 相似文献
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Malcolm MacLean 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(15):1832-1851
For the first time in nearly 30 years, 2013 saw increasing public awareness of calls for a comprehensive boycott of and sanctions on a state based on questions of an ‘entrenched system of racial discrimination’. The call to boycott South African sport emerged in the 1950s as the apartheid state was developing and refining its comprehensive and systematic legal form amid growing international pressure for decolonisation. This is a different social and political context than the call 50 years later by Palestinian civil society for boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against Israel. This paper draws on analyses of international anti-apartheid movements' campaigns against sporting contact with South Africa and the BDS call for the isolation of the Israeli state to propose a theory of sports boycotts. It looks at the anti-apartheid campaigns to consider ways in which the BDS campaign has an impact on existing historical understandings of cultural boycotts as a tactical and strategic campaign tool. 相似文献
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In 1867 the Football Association was considering disbanding but was largely dissuaded from doing so by the progress the game was making in Sheffield. The football rules used there seemed much more appealing to teams and spectators alike and the game was beginning to be exploited commercially. This commercialism was resisted though by the local social elite who still had a fierce belief in amateurism and opposed the professionalisation of football. At the same time, in Lancashire, there existed a vigorous sporting culture surrounding pedestrianism, horse racing, boxing and cricket together with a well developed structure of sporting facilities. By the 1870s football, a game that had not previously been exploited commercially in Lancashire, was beginning to become popular and was rapidly professionalised. Nominal record linkage indicates that this development was essentially driven by schoolteachers, clerks, bookkeepers and accountants using their social and cultural capital rather than the transference of public school culture through returning public schoolboys. The formation of modern association football in Lancashire between 1830 and 1885 can then be seen to be effected though linear continuities in local popular culture and the emergence of a lower middle class rather than public school traditions and a civilising process. 相似文献
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The Japanese colonial period was a critical time in the introduction and development of modern sport in Korea. A range of modern sports was introduced to colonial Korea by Western missionaries and the Japanese. The political circumstance of usurpation caused sport to develop by Koreans linking it with a nationalist movement. Rugby, one of the sports introduced during this era, was a crucial vehicle in Koreans expressing their national superiority and confidence. Koreans engaged in a ‘war without weapons’ against Japan at the extraterritorial site of the sport arena and expressed their will of independence and autonomy through dynamic movements of the body on the rugby field. 相似文献
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Thomas Bauer 《Sport in History》2016,36(2):145-161
The history of sports literature has enjoyed renewed interest over the last few years, with a noticeable increase in the number of Anglo-Saxon works and the revival of French research. Through fiction, it is possible to understand the processes whereby ideas spread and collective imaginaries are constructed. In this regard, this article revisits the history of rugby union through the prism of a cine-novel, Le P'tit Parigot (1926), which was presented in serialised form via the newspaper L'Intransigeant and as a six-episode film in cinemas. It depicts the misfortunes of Georges Grigny-Latour, also known as the ‘P'tit Parigot’, son of an academic and captain of the French rugby union football team. This sport serial is a historical source of precious and useful information enabling us to address the representations of rugby at the time. The article aims to characterise the ambiguous identity of the sport during the Roaring Twenties, an identity that was torn between a Parisian spirit cultivating the idea of rugby as the inheritance of Anglo-Saxon values, and a provincial vision using it as a means of territorial expression. 相似文献
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Jennifer Curtin 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(17):2071-2085
AbstractWomen’s rugby union in New Zealand has increased in popularity over the past decade, preceded by two decades of dominance at the international level and much activism to have the women’s game recognized and supported, nationally and provincially. However, as this paper reveals, women’s engagement with the game, as players, began more than 100 years before the Black Ferns won their first international tournament. Through an examination of several fleeting ‘episodes’ of women’s attempts to play in earnest, as represented in digitized newspapers from Papers Past, it becomes apparent that women’s foray into the hyper-masculinized team sport of rugby challenged dominant sensibilities but was not wholly resisted. The ‘events’ investigated here suggest that gender roles may have been more porous than traditionally invoked by the categories of ‘Victorian’ and ‘New Woman’, contested, albeit intermittently, by the actions of Pākehā and Māori women around the colony. 相似文献
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Farah Rangikoepa Palmer 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(17):2169-2184
AbstractSociology and history are intimately related to each other and cannot be clearly separated or isolated from each other which resonates with a Māori view of time (the past, present, and future are not distinct entities) and realms (the spiritual and human in particular). This paper uses pūrākau and storytelling to explore how haka performed by strong women in tribal narratives, in Māori contexts, and in women’s rugby creates a more nuanced understanding of the embodied discourses associated with intersecting identities (gender, race, ethnicity, class) in and around the sport of rugby union. As a Māori woman, heavily invested in the sport of rugby union, how did the words and actions of Māori women from my past influence my present and my future and how was this embodied and experienced through haka? In particular, my 10 years as a member of the New Zealand women’s rugby team and my understanding of the histories or pūrākau (tribal stories) of strong women in te ao Māori (the Māori world) inform this paper. This will help to illustrate how history and sociology are intimately connected and highlights how intersecting stories told through time, from different perspectives can influence key learnings in sport. 相似文献
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Jennifer Curtin 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(18):2123-2134
ABSTRACTThe presence of women in and around rugby union in New Zealand remains on the margins of the histories of the game of rugby and the more social and cultural histories that explore rugby’s impact on the formation of a New Zealand national identity. Yet, as this article demonstrates, women have long since engaged with rugby union in ways that may well have assisted in its ascendancy and ultimate claiming of the title of New Zealand’s national game. Through readings of newspapers, magazines, and club histories covering the period from the 1870s through to the Great War a picture emerges: women from both the middle and lower classes of New Zealand society supported the game of rugby as spectators, supporters, and fans. They did so in a manner that was sometimes acceptable but at other times regarded as distinctly inappropriate. In addition, women’s involvement was informal and localized – most obvious at the community level – and it is this feature that helps to explain women’s virtual invisibility in the histories of rugby union in New Zealand. 相似文献
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Peter Horton 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(11):1611-1629
Football as a generic game-form was a feature of the sporting culture of the settlers of Australia. As the various codes emerged in Britain they were ‘exported’ to the colonies throughout the Empire. In Australia this cultural imposition was not complete for the British games faced significant cultural resistance, most notably from Australian Rules football. The first formal club was founded circa 1865 and by the time a governing body was formed in 1874, the game had acquired distinctive playing and administrative traits and a sporting ethos, These were aberrant to the British form as pragmatic modifications were made in response to the social, cultural and environmental exigencies and demands of the frontier-like context: the game of Rugby immediately became Australianized. This analysis traces the development of the game's culture in Australia through the initial 75 years of its institutionalization and demonstrates that despite its transit through the colonial era, urbanization, nationalism, federation and the travails of two World Wars, aspects of the residual culture remained. Rugby football, established in NSW and Queensland as a feature of the cultural hegemony of British Imperialism, prevailed largely unchanged in terms of power relations, ideology, finances and success over its first 75 years. This discussion reflects upon the critical influences, incidents and individuals that impacted upon and shaped Rugby union football in NSW and Queensland up to the founding of the Australian Rugby Football Union, which took until 1949 to occur. 相似文献
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Sean Brawley 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(11):1697-1715
Delocalization has become an enduring theme in sports historiography. In Australian rugby league much of the work on this theme has been associated with the so-called ‘Super League War’ and the disconnection of sporting teams from place and local identity. Not all clubs, however, suffered such a fate. The Cronulla-Sutherland Sharks are one such team that endured the travails of the 1990s and maintained a strong connection with their geographical community. Problematizing delocalization in this context, the study explores the Sharks' Super League experience and finds strong evidence to support the contention that the Sharks provide a local sporting example of ‘glocalization’. 相似文献
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Hendrik Snyders 《国际体育史杂志》2018,35(10):1029-1059
AbstractIn the period from1976 to1990 during the international campaign against apartheid, some affiliate members of the USA Rugby Football Union, went out of their way to establish and maintain a strong relationship with the South African Rugby Football Board and its successor, the South African Rugby Board. Over the course of six reciprocal tours, they ignored the campaigns of the worldwide anti-apartheid movement and the British Commonwealth. In their dogged pursuit of a sporting relationship with a key South African cultural institution that buttressed apartheid in a sport that, at best, enjoyed minority status in the United States, they defied both their own national federation and the American Olympic Committee. By 1990 as the international campaign against apartheid became a truly worldwide affair, US–South Africa rugby relations were suspended in line with larger political developments both within and outside of the country. This essay, beyond mapping the trials and tribulations of that relationship, also foregrounds a largely hidden history in order to fill the existing gap in the official sporting histories of both the United States and South Africa. 相似文献