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1.
Nicole Blum 《Environmental Education Research》2009,15(6):715-729
A key ongoing debate in environmental education practice and its research relates to the content and goals of environmental education programmes. Specifically, there is a long history of debate between advocates of educational perspectives that emphasise the teaching of science concepts and those that seek to more actively link environmental and social issues. In practice, educators and organisations respond to these tensions in a variety of ways, often strongly reflecting the particular social and economic contexts in which they are located. Much of the research in the area, however, has tended to take a narrow focus on either purely theoretical concerns or on individual programmes in schools or protected areas. In contrast, this research used an ethnographic approach to explore debates about the content and aims of educational programmes between diverse educational actors in one community in Costa Rica. The research revealed that environmental education: (i) is an important local site for the active contestation of understandings of the natural world and humans’ relationships to it; and (ii) can be part of wider struggles over the control of processes of local development and environmental management. The study further suggests that while theoretical discussion about the relative merits of diverse approaches to environmental teaching and learning is important, if that analysis is not situated within a particular social, economic and political context, it is likely to reveal relatively little about how or why particular perspectives on environmental education may dominate or remain marginal in a specific place. 相似文献
2.
Jānis Tālivaldis Ozoli?? 《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2017,49(4):362-378
AbstractA recurring theme in many places concerns the nurturing and maintenance of a civil society that is committed to justice, to human fulfilment and a community that actively pursues the good of all its members. The creation of a civil society where there is respect for persons and a concern for the good of others is an important social aim and though it is not the sole responsibility of educational institutions, they have a crucial role to play in its development. It also evident that the creation of a civil society includes the family and the wider community and so in order to understand how a civil society is to be fostered, we need to understand relationality, a central concept in both the Western and Eastern understandings of human nature. If we reflect on contemporary education in both the East and the West, an important question to consider is the extent to which education measures up to developing in young people a sense of their responsibilities to one another, their families and to the wider community. In short the question of how well we are developing humane persons who are able to relate to one another and build a civil society. This article argues that there needs to be a rebalancing of the aims of education to include the development of those values and dispositions that will foster a civil society. 相似文献
3.
李德军 《安徽广播电视大学学报》2000,(4):48-51
社会主义市场经济所引起的社会各方面的剧烈变化势必对成人高校德育工作产生一定的影响。国际大气候的客观情势、知识经济的日益紧逼,都使成人高校德育工作面临新的严峻挑战。站在历史的高度来确立德育工作目标,以科学的态度来确定德育工作内容上的切入点,并以改革的精神来选取适合自身特点的德育工作方法,就成为社会转型期抓好成人高校德育工作的基本对策。 相似文献
4.
陈雪琴 《湖南科技学院学报》2005,26(11):286-288
社会主义和谐社会是社会各要素全面系统的和谐,要求矛盾的双方或矛盾的多方在运动中能达到并保持多赢的结局,在构建社会主义和谐社会中,思想政治教育居于重要的地位,提高思想政治教育的有效性是构建社会主义和谐社会的必要手段.本文从社会主义和谐社会的基本特征出发,着力探讨了如何提高高校思想政治教育的有效性. 相似文献
5.
Tianlong Yu 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2008,28(2):113-129
This article examines the “back to tradition” movement in Chinese schools and its political nature. It focuses on the launch of the “education in Chinese traditional virtues” project in the 1980s and various new developments at the present time, which continue a revival of Confucianism in Chinese society and education. The paper looks into the domestic and international background of the movement, the political nature of the Confucian tradition, and the government's support for the movement. The essay explores a resurgence of Confucianism in Chinese schools through moral education and the larger political purpose it serves. The article reveals how a popular grass roots education movement reflects particular social and political needs during changing times and how pedagogical functions of an education initiative become entangled with, and even overshadowed by, political demands within a politically centralised system. 相似文献
6.
《British Journal of Educational Studies》2012,60(4):433-456
Abstract This paper explores the manner in which educational and political conservatives attempted to control the content and purposes of the history curriculum in English schools during the period 1987–1994. It focuses upon this particular coalition because, since the late 1970s, it has set the agenda for the debate and dominated the race to produce a history curriculum designed to help produce a particular kind of society. The paper argues that the New Right's claim to be engaging in an educational debate is spurious. Rather, its concern is primarily ideological and only educational in terms of its use of history education as a vehicle through which to disseminate a specific set of values and beliefs. 相似文献
7.
Anna Smolentseva 《Higher Education》2017,74(6):1091-1108
This paper studies transformations in the role of higher education in Russia as represented in official Soviet and post-Soviet policy documents between the 1950s and 2013. The focus is on the categories defining the purposes and tasks of higher education in the larger context of society and economy. There is a basic dichotomy in relation to the purposes and role of higher education, between vocational training (which is seen as a determining factor in the economic development) and personal development/education (seen as a condition of social development). The balance of these two poles, economic instrumentalism and social instrumentalism, changes throughout the history. The Soviet documents emphasized the importance of both, with the predominance of the social instrumentalism. The transitional period of the late 1980s and early 1990s is characterized by increasing humanistic discourse in regard to higher education. Later post-Soviet documents, reflecting neoliberal policies, largely abandon social instrumentalism and more exclusively promote the economic role of higher education. Economic instrumentalism is the meeting point of two historical eras, with their respective ideologies and political agendas. Connecting Soviet and neoliberal discourses highlights the importance of historical legacies in regard to the economic, applied nature of higher education, and underlines the crucial role of the state, which facilitated acceptance of neoliberal agendas in Russian society. The analysis also contributes to further understanding of the nature of the neoliberal reforms globally and in post-socialist countries. 相似文献
8.
Tonic Maruatona 《International Journal of Lifelong Education》2013,32(6):476-491
The paper examines the potential role of adult education in the empowerment of civil society in Botswana. It shows that adult education can be instrumental in the empowerment of trade unions as organs of civil society in a liberal democracy. It argues that the country's democratic tradition can be sustained by a strong civil society. The paper traces the history of trade unions in Botswana showing that the state has mostly weakened them through legislation. It is contended that individuals participate in trade unions as their mouthpiece when they are in trouble with capital. Most trade union members reported not being aware of adult education activities in Botswana. The paper explores some of the weaknesses of the unions and suggests how adult education provision from adult basic education to adult and continuing education at the university could help to redress the workers' problems. It concludes by mapping out some practical ways in which adult education could empower the unions in Botswana as it has done elsewhere. 相似文献
9.
James Avis 《International Studies in Sociology of Education》2013,23(3):272-289
Young people who are not in education, employment or training (NEET) are construed by policy-makers as a pressing problem about which something should be done. Such young people’s lack of employment is thought to pose difficulties for wider society in relation to social cohesion and inclusion, and it is feared that they will become a ‘lost generation’. This paper draws upon English research, seeking to historicise the debate whilst acknowledging that these issues have a much wider purchase. The notion of NEETs rests alongside longstanding concerns of the English state and middle classes, addressing unruly male working-class youth as well as the moral turpitude of working class girls. Waged labour and domesticity are seen as a means to integrate such groups into society thereby generating social cohesion. The paper places the debate within it socio-economic context and draws on theorisations of cognitive capitalism, Italian workerism, as well as emerging theories of antiwork to analyse these. It concludes by arguing that ‘radical’ approaches to NEETs that point towards inequities embedded in the social structure and call for social democratic solutions veer towards a form of comfort radicalism. Such approaches leave in place the dominance of capitalist relations as well as productivist orientations that celebrate waged labour. 相似文献
10.
Joan Abbott-Chapman 《The Australian Educational Researcher》1993,20(1):49-63
Recent writings suggest that educators have become locked in contentious arguments about types of research and about research methods when they might more productively concentrate upon the development of research confidence and a research culture in education. From this the rigorous and appropriate application of differing methodologies to achievement of research and policy goals and intentions will naturally follow. We need to look more closely at why the debate on qualitative versus quantitative research is seen to be meaningful, let alone necessary, and this takes us into the realms of wider social and political values and understandings. The article argues that the debate about methodologies reflects a confusion about intentions and purposes in educational research, especially with regard to policy needs and applications, and that what is needed now is a complete ‘upfront’ review of research goals and values in education, and in relation to other subject disciplines. 相似文献
11.
Peggy Watson 《Gender and education》1992,4(1-2):127-147
The significance of patterns of gender inequality in education in Poland cannot be adequately grasped without a wider understanding of the specific nature of gender relations under State socialism. The present article approaches this problem by posing a fundamental question: how is it possible to reconcile what is known concerning gender inequalities and the sexual division of labour in Poland with the documented absence of feminist awareness in that country? The answer is sought in terms of the specific ways in which the public and private domains exist under State socialism. The analysis provides an interpretation of social transition in Poland, arguing that this fundamentally entails a shift in the nature of patriarchy. The conclusion is that the lived experience of a ‘civil society’ and the revaluation of gender identity this brings, is prerequisite if sexist thinking and practice is to be perceived as such and challenged—in education as in other areas of social life. 相似文献
12.
Robert J. Hill 《Studies in Continuing Education》2013,35(2):181-203
In the United States many non-government organisations (NGOs) champion progressive political agendas, yet some popular movements are highly conservative. The political right has mobilised effectively in the past two decades on a variety of domestic issues, including the construction of an environmental discourse in reaction to modest environmental gains. Such endeavours, branded as "anti-environmental", have been neglected in serious discussions on popular social movement learning. Few studies explore the educational and activist moments in this "Other environmentalism". This paper, using historical/textual analysis and drawing on experiences of the author, enquires into rightwing natural resource initiatives. It describes and analyses the methods they employ to alter gains made in the progressive environmental movement. Conservatives were found to have both grassroots as well as elite sponsorship and are effective sites of adult learning, resistance, and meaning making. Many elements of this Other environmental discourse seek to change understandings, dispositions, behaviours, attitudes, and knowledge--the adult educational politics and policies--of society. 相似文献
13.
生态社会主义是当代西方绿色政治运动中具有社会主义倾向的社会思潮，它力图开辟一条既能消灭环境污染和生态危机，保护人类生存环境，又能消灭资本主义剥削制度，通向社会主义道路。生态社会主义对我国科学发展现有着重要启示。 相似文献
14.
文章认为，当代思想政治教育环境与社会主义和谐社会的建设密切相关，它包括思想政治教育外环境和内环境，思想政治教育外环境包括自然环境和社会环境，其中自然环境为社会主义和谐社会的建设提供了一个肥沃的土壤和空间，社会环境为社会主义和谐社会的建设提供了经济基础、政治保障、精神动力与智力支持；思想政治教育内环境则为社会主义和谐社会的建设搭建了一个净化与优化的社会大舞台，而且有利于最大限度地发挥构建社会主义和谐社会主体的主观能动性。 相似文献
15.
李本松 《成都教育学院学报》2010,24(10):37-39
社会思潮因其特质对大学生有特殊的吸引力,因此会对大学生的成长、成才和价值观念的形成产生多方面的影响。从有益的角度来看,社会思潮能开阔大学生的视野,成为大学生了解社会的一个窗口,与主流价值观形成互补关系,并能提高大学生的适应能力和辨别能力。从有害的方面来说,社会思潮能导致大学生的思想观念混乱、价值取向多元化和信仰危机,消解了高校政治思想教育的成果和努力,增加了高校思想政治教育工作的难度,等等。这要求高校坚持马克思主义指导,用社会主义核心价值体系来引领社会思潮。 相似文献
16.
随着经济社会的不断发展,各个企业对专业应用型人才的需求越来越大.大学生的专业能力与思想政治教育相结合是我国高校的主要教育目标,如何创新大学生思想政治教育是高校的主要教育工作.践行新时代特色社会主义思想,将专业教育与思想政治教育结合教学,实现专业应用型人才的培养,是高校思想政治教育建设的难点.通过挖掘土木工程专业思想政治... 相似文献
17.
服务和谐社会构建是高校思想政治教育的重要价值目标 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
和谐社会是中国特色社会主义的本质内涵，高校思想政治教育服从服务于和谐社会建设，既是和谐社会发展战略的需要，也是思想政治教育本质的要求。新形势下，高校思想政治教育应以追求和谐为价值目标，自觉探索和谐社会建设中思想政治教育的理论与实践，重构体现时代特征、符合教育规律的高校思想政治教育和谐体系。 相似文献
18.
政治文明及其现代化萌芽于市民社会同政治国家相分离之后的政治生态化过程,在某种程度上,政治生态化的过程就是政治文明的现代化过程;政治文明萌芽之后的政治生态化进程事实上滞后于政治文明的现代化实践过程,也就是说,政治文明的现代化并非一定实现政治生态化;政治文明的现代化形塑以及建设有中国特色社会主义的政治文明,亟待实现与之相适应的良性政治生态化建构。 相似文献
19.
杨巧蓉 《聊城师范学院学报》2011,(5):74-77
中国特色市民社会是社会主义市场经济发展的必然产物,也是与市场经济相伴随的城市化过程的必然产物。与此同时,中国特色市民社会的成长为当代中国社会转型提供了种种条件：它是社会主义市场经济深入发展的养分和稳定剂;它是社会主义民主政治的必要条件和堡垒;它是我国政治体制深化改革的助推器;它是逐步实现社会公正的生态环境和强劲动力。 相似文献
20.
In this paper, it is argued that adults with learning difficulties represent a significant marginalized group within society whose experiences may shed light on a range of political and social values affecting those in the mainstream, as well as on the periphery. We begin by considering some possible meanings of the learning society and some features of the social and economic context which have promoted interest in the concept. An economistic reading of the learning society may prove problematic for adults with learning difficulties, since it may be argued that this group is unlikely to be highly productive and therefore will not provide a good return on money invested in education and training. Although an emphasis on social capital may lead to the inclusion of people with learning difficulties, this outcome is by no means automatic since high levels of social cohesion may be based on the ruthless exclusion of those regarded as deviant. Finally, we suggest some ways in which promoting the concept of lifelong learning for adults with learning difficulties may enable us to develop deeper understandings of the experiences of education, training and employment. 相似文献