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1.
由于网络媒体的出现,媒体议程设置与受众议程设置之间的关系发生变化,二者在网络媒介中互动性增强,大众媒体对受众的影响力再也不是绝对的。因此,有学者认为,网络环境下,议程设置的功能弱化甚至会消失,本人试图从传统媒体是网络虚拟社区个人议题主要设置者;议程互动使议程设置功能螺旋式上升;网络高科技隐形提升议程设置三个方面进行论述,试图提出不同的看法,即议程设置功能在网络媒体不仅存在而且获得了强化。  相似文献   

2.
议程设置理论是传播效果研究的一个主要方面,随着网络的发展,议程设置的媒介环境发生了巨大的变化。网络议程设置凸显了其独特的优势和效力,其在舆论引导方面也有非常重要的意义。本文将从"贾君鹏事件"这一网络事件谈起,探讨网络议程设置的效力和其在舆论引导方面的特殊作用。  相似文献   

3.
2009年,"躲猫猫"事件引起轰动,并不仅仅在于一个在押人员的离奇死亡,而是事件背后的意义.传统媒体与网络媒体的不同表现,引发人们对网络议程设置的思考.传统传播环境下的议程设置议程设置理论是指通过大众媒介制造议题从而形成或影响舆论的一种理论假设.  相似文献   

4.
宋守山  庄莹 《青年记者》2010,(10):25-26
随着互联网的发展,网络媒体正在迅速赶超传统媒体,形成舆论风潮,引导舆论方向,为公众所关注。越来越多的年轻人远离报纸、杂志等传统媒体,而选择在网络媒体上获取新闻资讯。网络媒体具有迅速性和交互性传播的特征,这使网络媒体具有难以操控的特征。网络媒体如何进行议程设置,如何不被网络推手所绑架成为网络媒体从业人员所关注的话题。  相似文献   

5.
与传统媒体相比,网络媒体在消息内容的时效性、对公众舆论的影响程度以及表现方式上,都处在一个重要的位置,对整个媒介环境的议程设置起到了关键作用。本文以章子怡捐款门事件为例,论述网络媒体出现后议程设置呈现出的一些新特点:网络议程设置的不可控性;网络为传统媒体设置议程;人际传播与大众传播交织于网络议程设置。  相似文献   

6.
崔波涛 《东南传播》2014,(8):116-118
"微议程"这一概念对当下的议程设置理论研究和舆论学研究具有重要意义。网络社会的来临使得公众舆论参与的方式发生变革,微议程极易引发强大的网络舆论。网络社会为微议程提供技术条件,激发公众公共参与的热情;微议程的议题具有公共性、冲突性、反常性等特点;从网络舆论的视角出发,阐述微议程形成的条件、动力及议题呈现特点,进而反思公众舆论参与方式的变革,为传统议程设置理论研究提供新视角,也为媒体和政府部门关注网络社群及个体的意见,进行舆论引导提供启示。  相似文献   

7.
面对当下网络舆论传播,传统媒体应当从对网络舆论引导的自发性行为上升到自觉性行为层面,积极发挥新闻专业组织的优势,以权威信源的角色来强化对网络传播的议程设置功效,引导网络舆论健康发展。  相似文献   

8.
张颖 《信息系统工程》2023,(10):127-129
大数据背景下,高校网络舆论的生成具有偶发性、扩散性和差异性的特点,这给高校网络舆论的引导带来了机遇和挑战。当前,高校网络舆论引导还存在着缺乏系统性、具有滞后性和大学生媒介素养教育效果欠佳等困境。因此,高校需加强组织指导,构建高校网络舆论引导体系,强化议程设置,建设媒介融合的全媒体联动矩阵以及提升大学生网络媒介素养,培育大学生意见领袖,提升高校网络舆论引导力。  相似文献   

9.
国外新媒体环境下的议程设置研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
新媒体环境下媒体的议程设置功能是否依然有效是议程设置研究领域中迫切需要回答的问题。国外学者近年来对这一问题的研究主要集中在两个方面:一是检验新媒体环境下媒体对受众是否具有议程设置的功能,二是检验新媒体环境下的媒介间议程设置效果。现有研究表明,在新媒体环境下媒体对受众具有议程设置功能;网络媒体与传统媒体之间、网络媒体自身之间存在媒介间的议程设置效果。  相似文献   

10.
政务微博是当今政府舆论引导的生力军。基于政务微博平台的议程设置呈现出政府议程、公众议程和媒体议程多重议程设置互动的特点。互动过程的复杂性导致政务微博舆论引导存在一定的困境。本文侧重剖析多重议程设置互动下政务微博舆论引导的问题,并提出相应解决策略,以期为提升政务微博舆论引导力提供参考。  相似文献   

11.
网络中的“议程设置”与公众自我议程设置   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
罗春 《新闻界》2007,(4):29-30
在网络传播模式下,"议程设置"仍然存在,但由于传受关系发生了很大变化,出现议题设置权下放,传播内容多元化等新特点,同时,网络中也出现了公众自我议程设置,并为传统媒体设置议程的现象。  相似文献   

12.
This study compares the agenda-setting effects of national and local media on public salience in a market where an issue was both local and national with the effects in a market where it was primarily national. A new measure of public salience is also introduced. Results indicate that agenda-setting effects of local and national media are very different, with local media exerting a stronger agenda-setting influence when the issue is both local and national.  相似文献   

13.
A survey conducted in McAllen, Texas, a largely Hispanic area, examined whether exposure to Spanish-language cable news had an agenda-setting effect. Results show that level of exposure was associated with agenda-setting effects for Spanish cable news, but perceived media credibility and media reliance were not related to the strength of agenda-setting effects. Exposure, credibility, and reliance were also not associated with agenda- setting effects for English-language newscasts-perhaps because English speakers had more news options in the survey area.  相似文献   

14.
本文以报料信息内容、媒体呈现的报料内容及报料人群体抽样调查三部分资料为基础,以时间序列分析技术对报料信息和媒体呈现内容关系进行了分析,研究发现,报料人群体是公众中积极参与媒体议题建构的群体,他们具有显著的设置议题意识,但是参与议题建构的能力有限,原因之一是多数报料人将媒体视为可借助解决来自草根阶层社会问题的工具。报料信息经过媒体把关人的严格判断和挑选才可能进入媒体议题,这种挑选并非按照各类信息报料的多少来确定,而是根据是否具有新闻价值来判断。报料人群体参与建构媒体议程的目标能否实现,要看各媒介组织自身的定位和媒体框架。  相似文献   

15.
Five news media in the U.S. were examined to determine the optimaltime-lag for agenda-setting effects to occur for each. Publicresponses to an open-ended question ‘What is the numberone problem facing our country today?’ were compared tomedia coverage from one to 26 weeks earlier. A number of differenceswere found across the five media. The results show that televisioncoverage had a shorter optimal time-lag than newspapers. Themore immediate effect of television news, however, quickly deteriorated,and newspapers had a stronger long-term agenda-setting effect.National and regional media also had a more immediate impactthan local media. All media, generally, had slightly shorteroptimal time-lags than previous research would suggest.  相似文献   

16.
新媒介环境下议程设置理论研究新进路的分析   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
议程设置理论是传播学和新闻学的关键理论之一。当下媒介环境发生变化,传统的传播模式正在被颠覆,延续传统媒介环境下议程设置思路,研究遇到困境。根据新媒介环境下议程设置形成的新模式,我们提出新的研究假设和新的议题显要性转移图,并做一分析,在新媒介环境下,由多元个体组成的社群通过互联网等新媒介对于人们想什么或者怎么想具有重要作用,个体和社群议程是大众媒介议程的重要补充源,不局限于以媒体议程设置为中心的单一研究方向,把使用新媒介的个体和社群对媒体议程的作用纳入研究的重点范畴,重视新媒介的平台作用,最后提出了新的议程设置的效果地图,归纳出了研究的新重点。  相似文献   

17.
As election campaigns changed substantially in Western countries, it is generally hypothesized that this change in campaign communication is rooted in a revolution in communications, with the media rejecting its former role as mere transmitters and becoming a major actor in the campaigning process. Regarding the analysis of the “mediatization of politics”, Strömbäck presented a four phases model which offers a way to explore such a process in an explicit and systematic fashion. The resulting struggle between political parties and the media over who shall control the agendas of campaigns forces politicians to adapt to and, finally, to adopt media logic. By operationalizing these four phases in order to allow for empirical research, we investigated the roles of the news media and the political parties in Austrian campaign communication in the last four decades. Taking the agenda-setting power as an indicator for changes in this relationship, our study is based on the concepts of agenda-building and policy agenda-setting as extensions of the agenda-setting model. To establish party and media agendas, a content analysis was conducted on news releases of all Austrian parliamentary parties, the main evening newscasts of all Austrian broadcasters, as well as the political coverage of two quality papers and two major tabloids during the “hot phase” of the campaign. For examining the “struggle over agendas”, a time-series cross-section design (including data on 20 different policy dimensions) was applied. First results are based on the analysis of five election campaigns in 1970, 1983, 1990, 1999, and 2008.  相似文献   

18.
Agenda-setting, priming, and framing research generally has been examined under the broad category of cognitive media effects. As a result, studies often either examine all 3 approaches in a single study or employ very similar research designs, paying little attention to conceptual differences or differences in the levels of analysis under which each approach is operating. In this article, I revisit agenda-setting, priming, and framing as distinctively different approaches to effects of political communication. Specifically, I argue against more recent attempts to subsume all 3 approaches under the broad concept of agenda-setting and for a more careful explication of the concepts and of their theoretical premises and roots in social psychology and political psychology. Consequently, it calls for a reformulation of relevant research questions and a systematic categorization of research on agenda-setting, priming, and framing. An analytic model is developed that should serve as a guideline for future research in these areas.  相似文献   

19.
This study explores the relationship between age and the media's agenda-setting effects both by cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis. Using American National Election Studies surveys and the New York Times Index data from 1960 to 2004, we test three possible effects of age on the agenda-setting process: generational, life-cycle, and period effects. Findings show the public agenda is fairly stable across generations and age cohorts despite increasing signs of media diversification and audience specialization. More important, different generations’ agendas were overall correlated with the media agenda in each year, indicating robust agenda-setting effects of the media on the public, except for baby boomers. The findings generally support the hypothesis of period effects. Implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

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