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1.
In response to the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, President Bush delivered an apology that was widely criticized by domestic and international audiences. Nevertheless, the apology succeeded in allowing the President to stop the momentum of negative public opinion following news of the crimes, and to avoid accountability for his role in the crisis. In this essay, I argue that Bush's success stemmed partly from his use of a special subgenre of apologia, simulated atonement. After explaining the strategy in detail, I describe some of the conditions in which it will likely be effective and apply the theory to Bush's statements.  相似文献   

2.
This study analyzes online reader comments on top US newspapers’ stories related to former congressman, Anthony Weiner’s, August 2016 sexting scandal. Audience gatekeeping was seen through such discussion themes as gender bias and sexism, political scandals, and sex addiction. The analysis revealed that the majority of reader comments significantly diverged from the news topic, and many comments about US politicians were uncivil. Furthermore, online discussions “drowned out” newspapers’ intended message about Weiner’s inclusion of his toddler son into a sexually explicit selfie. This study argues that online commentary should not be perceived as a dichotomy—a negative or positive development, a contributor or preventer of public discourse—but rather as a continuum of citizen engagement.  相似文献   

3.
In 1959, the Federal Communications Commission was severely criticized for its failures regarding the television quiz scandals. Anxious to make amends, the Commission had the opportunity to redress its mistakes when it reviewed license applications for stations operated by three key figures in the scandal: Jack Barry, Daniel Enright, and NBC. Unfortunately, the Commission inconsistently applied its character requirements for licensees by ignoring NBC's questionable actions in the quiz show scandal but punishing Barry and Enright for theirs. This essay explicates the FCC's response to the quiz show deception through the relicensing cases of Melody MusidWGMA and NBWRCV.  相似文献   

4.
5.
Rafi Mann 《Media History》2013,19(2):169-181
The article discusses the political and public debates in Israel over the appropriateness of a military radio station in a democratic state. The Israeli station was established in 1950 to assist the defense forces in absorbing and educating new Jewish immigrants, but later developed to become one of Israel's major media outlets. Previously unstudied documents reveal that the initiative to launch the station was met with criticism from its early stages; concerns about letting the army run a radio station without public oversight have been raised repeatedly ever since. This research project illustrates the benefits of media historiography as an effective prism for studying wider aspects of societies in which various media organizations operate. It adds, as well, to the historiography of military radio stations around the world.  相似文献   

6.
Cindy Elmore 《Media History》2013,19(3):301-317
Stars and Stripes is a unique newspaper with a distinctive mission, ownership and journalistic staff unlike any in the USA. Despite its parentage in the US Department of Defense, directives give the newspaper editorial independence. Still, military commanders and Pentagon overseers have challenged and interfered with those rights since the newspaper's First World War beginnings in Europe. This study examines the published accounts of that struggle, finding that despite the newspaper's journalistic successes, the military has periodically engaged in control and interference, particularly because of the newspaper's logistical dependence upon the Department of Defense. Stars and Stripes' achievements have largely been dependent upon having the support of various military commanders in charge of US overseas military forces, having military editors or publishers who were resolute against military intrusion, or having the involvement of Congressional oversight committees and other news media willing to expose military news management at the newspaper.  相似文献   

7.
In late 2006 and early 2007, a high-profile celebrity scandal developed around Isaiah Washington's use of an anti-gay slur to describe his co-star T. R. Knight. The mainstream media coverage of this scandal positioned homophobia primarily in therapeutic and confessional terms, echoing the typical treatment of a celebrity's coming out. As the “angry black man,” Washington failed to satisfy the criteria for neoliberal citizenship and seemed to confirm white culture's fears about black masculinity. Knight, in contrast, emerged as a successful neoliberal citizen whose “difference” was safely contained. The debate thus shifted from the morality of homophobia to the morality and psychological health of the individual, determined through Washington's failed performance of honesty and Knight's successful one. As a result, heteronormativity and white privilege remained largely unnoticed within mainstream coverage of the scandal.  相似文献   

8.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(4):513-529
The 2010 Greek financial crisis marks an important chapter in an era where the underlying maneuvers of private financial entities figure centrally in the wherewithal of Western nation states. Utilizing framing research, this study examines representation of the Greek crisis by US news media from December 2009 to July 2010. In contrast to the incident's coverage in the European and business press initially attributing the crisis to speculation and the manipulation of Greek debt, major US news media presented the event through specific event-driven frames that obscured knowledge of deeper causes. By drawing attention to dramatic events in Athens and the American stock markets, US outlets presented the financial crisis in narrow terms that blamed the event on alleged character flaws and ineptitudes of a nation and its people. This reportage legitimized proposals of economic austerity as reparation. In the midst of excessive business and financial-related information, the ability of US journalism to explain how and for whom transnational economic processes proceed remains provisional. Journalism prompting public discourse on such dynamics is crucial at present as the formulas hastening the Greek crisis now threaten industrialized countries throughout the West.  相似文献   

9.
Introduction     
Between 1940–1947, the FCC's Radio Intelligence Division (RID) monitored clandestine radio transmissions in the United States. The RID was the FCC's “largest single activity” during the war years and helped military and government agencies locate the Axis enemy. Its creation set the precedent for FCC participation in national defense. Although its national defense activities supported President Roosevelt's New Deal goals, the RID eventually became the target of considerable conservative criticism. This essay broadens the understanding of the FCC beyond its broadcasting authority and further provides insight to the national defense contributions of a civilian agency.  相似文献   

10.
During the 1930s, news media constructed celebrities as individuals whose public lives naturally reflected (or expressed) their private lives. Paul Robeson, however, offered an intriguing challenge to such seamlessness, foreshadowing contemporary evocations of celebrity that highlight the fabricated nature of public personas. I posit that during the 1930s, the discursive formations of scandal and movie stardom challenged celebrity seamlessness by constructing Paul Robeson as a site of extra-textuality: Paul Robeson “the artist” became detached from Paul Robeson “the man.” Although mired in essentialism, Robeson's extra-textuality was crucial to his activism, for it ultimately created the space from which he voiced his most impassioned political polemics. Thus both regressive and liberatory, the discourses of scandal and movie stardom mediated Paul Robeson's transition from spiritual-singing aesthete to outspoken political activist.  相似文献   

11.
Have You Heard?     
This study seeks to understand “listening” as a practice and norm of journalism in the context of an eruption of journalistic discourse about listening surrounding the 2016 US election. An examination of US journalists’ own discourse about listening pointed to an understanding of the need to listen more, better, and to a more diverse set of voices. The widespread criticism of journalism’s performance frequently pointed to failures of listening as a root cause of the more general failure to adequately cover the campaign. Thus, listening involved a set of skills, but was also sometimes construed as a moral obligation. Overall, however, the discourse showed an anemic understanding of listening, often pointing to the public’s inability to listen to journalists.  相似文献   

12.
How do distinctive historical experiences and political regimes shape human rights archives? How do those archives and those experiences in turn influence the way painful pasts are remembered or forgotten? And what can historical accounts tell us about the wisdom of prevailing norms and practices regarding the management and control of human rights records? This paper explores these questions through a close analysis of the history and politics of the principal archive documenting human rights abuse in East Timor. It underscores the work of archival studies scholars who argue that human rights archives are always in some degree shaped by the historical and political context in which they emerge and that conflicts over matters of content, mandate, and rules of access are virtually inevitable. Noting that such conflicts typically pit political authorities against victims and their advocates, it argues that successful human rights archival programs hinge critically on sensitive historical and political analysis and that, under certain conditions, human rights archivists should play a more active role in facilitating the pursuit of justice for victims of human rights abuse. It also makes the case for a move away from large, state-controlled archives toward multiple, smaller archives with varied mandates. Finally, it proposes the adoption of a new hierarchy of interest in the management of archives; away from the long-accepted principles of national sovereignty and inalienability, and in the direction of access to the survivors of human rights violations and their advocates.  相似文献   

13.
This is a study of US-based print media coverage of the indigenous-led uprising in Ecuador which occurred in January 2000. As a result of having mobilized tens of thousands of Ecuadorans, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador managed to peacefully force the resignation of a President who had presided over one of the worst recessions in Ecuador's modern history. Nevertheless, most US news dailies covered the affair as if it was purely a military coup and a threat to democracy, in spite of the existence of hundreds of citizen-led, participatory governing councils (called the “People's Parliament,” by Ecuadorans). Previous scholarship on media performance in relation to US foreign policy has proven in a variety of cases to serve as a useful analytical tool and predictive device. This article evaluates the extent that the propaganda model by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, as well as the indexing model by W. Lance Bennett, are instructive in the case of the news media performance of US which covered the uprising in Ecuador.  相似文献   

14.
This article is a response to the excellent “Using Mobile Technology to Observe Student Study Behaviors and Track Library Space Usage” by Susan Thompson. Thompson reviews the literature regarding user counts on mobile devices and describes the California State University San Marcos (CSUSM) Library's evaluation of SUMA, Counter+, and CloudOn. After trialing these mobile technologies, CSUSM selected CloudOn. At New York University Abu Dhabi, we use Google Forms to conduct user counts on an iPad and Google Sheets to evaluate these data. We find that Google Forms are easy to set up, modify as necessary, and present the data in easy-to-manipulate spreadsheets.  相似文献   

15.
This article provides a historical and critical review of the extensive debate in China over the government's policy of importing Hollywood blockbusters from 1994 to 2007. The debate suggests a fundamental divide in China along the different ideological lines. I argue that China's debate over Hollywood cinema actually serves as a site for the Chinese people to make sense of their own modernization process and national identity. The debate, in a large sense, has little to do with the connotation of Hollywood cinemas in the US context, but has much to do with their implications for China. The whole debate is in fact China's quest for a new, modern national identity, and how the Chinese could draw on the American experience to build a modern China. Therefore, China's case foregrounds the fundamental issue of globalization theories regarding cultural homogenization versus heterogenization, or modernity versus alternative modernities. The debate not only speaks to the complexity of the global–local dialectic, but also reflects China's contradictory perspective on globalization.  相似文献   

16.
US Copyright Law empowers rights holders to enforce their rights and to defend the market value of their intellectual property through litigation. So-called copyright trolls are rights holders who exploit the law and the court system by pursuing allegations of infringement primarily to generate revenue through court-awarded statutory damages or settlements outside of court. Such abusive litigation undermines the intention of the US Constitution's Patent and Copyright Clause as well as the public's respect for copyright. Yet legislative reform intended to deter abuse may impact those offering their work under Creative Commons (CC) licenses when they seek to enforce their rights. This article presents the ways in which legal scholars define abusive copyright litigation and their recommendations for thwarting it. Then, using examples from actual court cases, the article suggests potential implications of these recommendations for the enforcement of CC licenses.  相似文献   

17.
Using Steven Carl Fortriede's method in Moving Your Library: Getting the Collection From Here to There as a framework, we successfully moved the New York University Abu Dhabi Library from a library and off-site storage facility to one new library. While we generally followed Fortriede's advice, we deviated from his plan in three important ways: We created a color-coding system for the boxes, which eliminated the need to keep the boxes in strict order; we integrated two collections during the move (rather than before); and we created phantom books to create space for lengthy multivolume sets in the smaller collection.  相似文献   

18.
Previous scholarship has argued that constructions of public opinion serve one of three dominant purposes: (1) to provide drama; (2) to promote particular strategic political interests; and (3) to symbolically legitimize the public's role in democracy. This paper analyzes media and legislator constructions of public opinion in the Clinton‐Lewinsky scandal. We assess the uses of public opinion and the purposes to which they were put, and particularly examine the use of different time frames in this discourse. Throughout the scandal, the public remained firmly ambivalent about President Clinton, with majorities supporting him remaining in office, even as they disapproved of his sexual relationship with Ms. Lewinsky. However, the media frequently emphasized the possibility that public might change, and this future orientation was joined to a strongly disapproving emphasis on public morality, rooted in a construction of past values. Later the media took present public opinion as a given, but political implications for the present and future framed the coverage. Once the scandal came to Congress, members of Congress usually recognized the public's support for President Clinton, but offered different interpretations of the roots of this support, its proper influence on Congress, and its future course. In assessing political consequences of their votes, legislators acted like investors involved in futures markets, and judged which opinions were likely to retain intensity in the coming months and years. Changing in a dynamic fashion in response to events, elites’ judgments, and polls, constructions of public opinion served multiple purposes, and were strongly tinged by assessments about the stability and basis of public opinion. The low use of present‐oriented time frames delegitimized citizen views.  相似文献   

19.
A random telephone survey of Washington state parents of children between the ages 2 and 17 assesses patterns of interaction with children regarding television viewing. The children's gender did not affect the way parents coviewed or mediated with them about television. Parent's gender, however, did matter. In addition, it was found that the ageof children had a significant effect on how parents coviewed and mediated. A linear relationship showed that coviewing decreased as children aged. A different trend was seen regarding children's age and negative mediation.  相似文献   

20.
This study illustrates the potential role of model and anti-model arguments in organizational crisis communication. Specifically, model and anti-model arguments are described as a strategy for moving the focus of a crisis from an organization to its industry. Model arguments enable organizations to establish their corrective action as industry standards that merit imitation. Conversely, organizations can set minimum standards for their industries with anti-model arguments. Phil Knight's May 12, 1998, speech announcing Nike's new initiatives in global manufacturing is analyzed as a case study. The essay concludes that model and anti-model arguments can suspend criticism of the organization, create the foundation for a return to industry prominence by the organization, and establish proposed new industry standards that are favorable to the organization.  相似文献   

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