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1.
Jungsub Shin 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(3):233-249
Which issues do political parties emphasize in campaigns? Selecting the issues to emphasize in campaigns is treated with the same importance as policy positioning. Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to understanding parties’ strategies of issue competition in presidential elections under multiparty systems. By analyzing statements of presidential candidates in the 2002, 2007, and 2012 Korean presidential debates, we find that presidential candidates use their issue emphasis strategies differently in presidential elections according to party size and ideological relationships with other parties. Specifically, a small party’s candidates have been more likely than mainstream parties’ candidates to pursue their issue ownership advantage. In addition, a mainstream party’s candidates have emphasized the issues of a small party more than those of his own party when the two parties have had a similar ideological foundation, whereas, when there were no such ideological similarities, a mainstream party’s candidate has only focused on issues of the mainstream party. Our results imply that the political communication used by political parties and candidates is conditioned not only by political contexts such as electoral systems or party systems but also by the size and ideology of parties. 相似文献
2.
Electoral processes are complex and need to be secure, reliable, and auditable. It is then important to define ways to evaluate their functional completeness and correction as well as their security and reliability. Many solutions to specific aspects of voting have been proposed but we do not know of any holistic view of this process. We present a unified approach to elections based on a conceptual model built using software patterns. A set of analysis patterns describe the structure and management of an election. The patterns describe voter registration, ballot structure, election day management, voting process, and the complete election. A conceptual model is built from the analysis patterns and defines precisely the functional properties of such a system together with its security requirements. The conceptual model is defined using UML diagrams that can be extended or complemented with formal methods to make the system verifiable. We show how to continue to the design phase for this system. While the model will not apply exactly to all elections it can be used as a reference architecture for voting applications and to show explicitly the security considerations for these kind of events. It can also be used for existing elections to verify that they have the required security provisions. The model can also be used as a reference for researchers to integrate their solutions in the complete process. 相似文献
3.
《Journal of Government Information》1994,21(3):215-230
This article discusses European Community policy as it relates to information technology and the information industry. With the advent of a common market within Europe there is an increase in competition and the removal of national barriers. This process is slow and difficult to accomplish and is not yet complete. Markets have traditionally been fragmented by linguistic differences, as well as different standards and laws. An EC policy towards information and information technology industries has evolved since the 1960s. This policy has steered a difficult course between protectionism and liberalization. It is unclear whether or not the common European market will be sufficient on its own to foster a competitive information market and information technology industry. The European Commission has traditionally taken an interventionist role. In the field of EC information law many, but by no means all. issues have been confronted. The Commission's role is changing from giving significant grants for collaborative European research and development towards incentives to companies to increase their own research and development spending, and towards building information infrastructure. 相似文献
4.
Thailand's political landscape has changed dramatically during the past five years. The rapid growth of communication technology in Thailand has been instrumental in generating political participation in the national elections of 2001 and 2005. In this article we provide the results of a benchmark study that assesses the early period of this political transformation. Specifically, we examined the use of television and of the Internet for political information by interviewing 500 urban residents. Our results indicate that likely voters actively gathered political knowledge from television advertisements and political party websites. Although use of television and the Internet for political purposes did not increase direct involvement in political parties, it did promote participation in the 2001 national election. Implications of these findings for future research on the use of communication technology for political communication in Asia are discussed. 相似文献
5.
《Government Information Quarterly》2022,39(4):101658
Opinion polls play an important role in modern democratic processes: they are known to not only affect the outcomes of elections, but also have a significant influence on government policy after elections. Recent years have seen large discrepancies between polls and outcomes at several major elections and referendums, stemming from decreased participation in polls and an increasingly volatile electorate. This calls for new ways to measure public support for political parties. In this paper, we propose a method for measuring the popularity of election candidates on social media using Machine Learning-based Natural Language Processing techniques. The method is based on detecting voting intentions in the data. This is a considerable advance upon earlier work using automatic sentiment analysis. We evaluate the method both intrinsically on a set of hand-labelled social media posts, and extrinsically – by forecasting daily election polls. In the extrinsic evaluation, we analyze data from the 2016 US presidential election, and find that voting intentions measured from social media provide significant additional predictive value for forecasting daily polls. Thus, we demonstrate that the proposed method can be used to interpolate polls both spatially and temporally, thus providing reliable, continuous and fine-grained information about public opinion on current political issues. 相似文献
6.
The Israeli elections of 1988 split the Jewish vote evenly betweenthe two major parties (almost 80% of the electorate), thus reinforcingthe pattern established in the mid-70's when the Likud overcamethe entrenched Labour lead of the '50s and '60s. Survey resultsshow that both parties strongly depend on ethnic support: morethan two-thirds of those of European origin vote Labour, andmore than two thirds of those of African/Asian origin vote Likud.That the campaign ignored these pluralistic interests in favorof issues of peace and security helps explain the surprisingshow of strength (15%) by the ethnic-religious parties. Thatthe crass demands of these fundamentalist parties proved unacceptableboth to Likud and Labour helps explain the reconstitution ofa national-unity coalition. During the election, a majorityof the electorate disapproved of the prospect of another Governmentof the two parties, but became reconciled, apparently, followingthe post-election bargaining. 相似文献
7.
文章分析邻里图书馆开展阅读推广的特点、成效与不足,提出科学的图书甄选、前置式的培训与学习、互动式的展示与交流、指标化的考核评估、体系化的社会合作、立体化的宣传推广等对策。 相似文献
8.
《Government Information Quarterly》2021,38(4):101598
The literature dealing with undecided voters – a growing group of citizens in many democracies that can determine who wins in election campaigns – suggests two very different profiles. The first approach describes undecided voters as being generally uninformed about politics, while the second sees undecideds as sophisticated citizens who follow a campaign closely before making their final voting decision. The current study tries to make sense of this contrast, while examining differences between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecideds (their level of sophistication was based on their political interest and knowledge). Using two panel surveys, conducted before and after the April 2019 elections in Israel (N = 1427; N = 912), we examine a number of hypotheses about differences in terms of the undecided citizens' demographic backgrounds, how they search for political information during the election campaign, how they come to make their final decisions, and whether they ended up voting. The findings indicate that the typical sophisticated undecided voter is a citizen from a more privileged social background, exhibits greater trust in traditional media, consumes more news to follow the campaign (from various traditional news outlets and social media), is more likely to carry out online discussions about the elections, is more likely to base his or her decision on policy issues, is more likely to debate between parties within the same ideological camp (internal floater), and more likely to vote than less sophisticated undecided voters. Our typology, which makes a distinction between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecided voters, as well as these findings (and the comparison to the committed voters), can help political scientists and practitioners widen their understanding regarding this important group of voters in todays' complex political reality. 相似文献
9.
Karen Tracy 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2013,41(4):418-441
School districts are both big businesses and a form of local governance that is part of American democracy. When a crisis makes a district's democratic face relevant, the organization will experience a dilemma that does not occur in business-only organizations. This study examines the public meetings of a school board in the western United States as it confronted a multimillion dollar error. After reviewing the organizational crisis literature, background is provided on the district, the crisis, and the method—action-implicative discourse analysis. The district's crisis, the paper shows, was constructed through six discursive practices. Each is identified and illustrated. Because school boards are democratic bodies, they depend on having citizens willing to attend and speak out in public meetings, and they depend on a smaller set of citizens willing to run for and serve in these elected, unpaid school board positions. In crises, these two groups of citizens will have partially competing needs. As a result, local governance organizations will experience a dilemma regarding how to design their public participation. The paper concludes with suggestions for future research on organizational crisis and public meetings, and practical implications for citizens and elected officials. 相似文献
10.
《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2007,35(4):418-441
School districts are both big businesses and a form of local governance that is part of American democracy. When a crisis makes a district's democratic face relevant, the organization will experience a dilemma that does not occur in business-only organizations. This study examines the public meetings of a school board in the western United States as it confronted a multimillion dollar error. After reviewing the organizational crisis literature, background is provided on the district, the crisis, and the method—action-implicative discourse analysis. The district's crisis, the paper shows, was constructed through six discursive practices. Each is identified and illustrated. Because school boards are democratic bodies, they depend on having citizens willing to attend and speak out in public meetings, and they depend on a smaller set of citizens willing to run for and serve in these elected, unpaid school board positions. In crises, these two groups of citizens will have partially competing needs. As a result, local governance organizations will experience a dilemma regarding how to design their public participation. The paper concludes with suggestions for future research on organizational crisis and public meetings, and practical implications for citizens and elected officials. 相似文献
11.
Yang Lin 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(4):393-402
The role of mass media in the presidential primaries has not been examined in the same fashion as in the presidential general elections, congressional elections, and gubernatorial elections. This study is based on a survey (face‐to‐face interviews) of 392 adults randomly selected from a city with a population of 444,000 during the 1996 presidential primaries. The results of the hierarchical multiple regression analyses show that television news programs increase learning about candidate issue policies. People's confidence in judging which candidate has a better chance to win the party's nomination is influenced by reading of newspaper campaign stories, viewing of the campaign commercials, and their attention to the campaign news on TV. This study enriches our understanding of media effects in the presidential primaries. 相似文献
12.
This article examines the performance of the pre-election pollsin Portugal since 1991 and attempts to determine some of thecommon causes of poll inaccuracy in both National Assembly andEuropean Parliament elections. The analysis of poll resultsin this period reveals marked improvements in poll accuracysince 1991, which have brought it to levels that, today, arecomparable to those found in nations where the practice of bothsurvey research and opinion polling is longer and more established.No evidence of a systematic bias against any of the major partiesis found, and sources of error are congruent with those foundelsewhere. However, large errors remain the norm in polls pertainingto European Parliament elections, suggesting a shared inabilityof Portuguese polling organizations in dealing appropriatelywith the problems caused by low turnout and ‘landslide’elections. 相似文献
13.
Nowadays, political campaigns combine traditional media channels with social media platforms, opening new and promising possibilities for parties and candidates looking for better political strategies and visibility. Voting advice applications (VAAs) recommend parties and candidates that are close to a citizen's political preferences and require the constrution of candidate and party profiles. Profile generation is an essential task in the development of VAAs and requires two steps: an unbiased design of political questionnaires and the collection of all candidates' answers. This paper presents an extension of a VAA, implemented in within the project Participa Inteligente (PI), a social-network platform designed for the 2017 Ecuadorian national elections. This work concentrates on the implementation of dynamic candidate profiling using Twitter data and sentiment analysis as an additional element to the static profile generation of VAAs. The implementation of a dynamic element for VAAs could help mitigate the effect of biased recommendations given during the construction of candidate and party profiles. At the end of this work, the dynamic profile is compared with the classic static elements developed within the PI project. The results show the level of similarities and differences between each of the elements in profile generation. This work provides an ideal basis for future research in the area of VAAs and their interfaces. Additionally, it opens up a broader spectrum of applications for policymakers including decision-making and collaborative working environments toward e-empowerment. 相似文献
14.
This research examines how television reported the campaign, parties, and candidates during the 1995 Legislative Election in Taiwan. Results of this study showed that state‐owned broadcast television stations were far more likely than privately owned cable television channels to give greater coverage to the ruling party and its candidates, to use ruling party officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party than to other parties. We conclude that cable television has become a force for balance in coverage, diluting a pervasive pro‐government party bias. The rise of cable television from virtual “outlaw” status to government‐licensed status appears to have responded to a more liberal society and made a contribution to the development of democracy, as have the expanded elections themselves. 相似文献
15.
ABSTRACTThis study introduces and evaluates the robustness of different volumetric, sentiment, and social network approaches to predict the elections in three Asian countries – Malaysia, India, and Pakistan from Twitter posts. We find that predictive power of social media performs well for India and Pakistan but is not effective for Malaysia. Overall, we find that it is useful to consider the recency of Twitter posts while using it to predict a real outcome, such as an election result. Sentiment information mined using machine learning models was the most accurate predictor of election outcomes. Social network information is stable despite sudden surges in political discussions, for e.g. around elections-related news events. Methods combining sentiment and volume information, or sentiment and social network information, are effective at predicting smaller vote shares, for e.g. vote shares in the case of independent candidates and regional parties. We conclude with a detailed discussion on the caveats of social media analysis for predicting real-world outcomes and recommendations for future work. 相似文献
16.
《The Reference Librarian》2013,54(35):95-117
Describes access to European online databases and their capabilities. Databases covered include FRANCIS, a French database covering the humanities, the European Communities Databases, and the German national bibliography as an example of the humanities and social science databases offered by STN. The authors conclude that these databases have potentials for providing new information possibilities to students in European studies but that their utilization presents implementation problems that are unlike those found in other online databases. 相似文献
17.
Silvia Schenkolewski-Kroll 《Archival Science》2016,16(3):309-326
Throughout 2000 years of exile, Jews amassed documentation reflecting their creativity and organization wherever they lived. Communal archives dating since the Middle Ages have survived. In addition, documentation about Jews is found in archives of rulers, governments, and cities. Conditions changed in the twentieth century due to new developments: the rise of the Jewish national movement, leading to the establishment of the State of Israel, and the destruction of thousands of communities and their cultural possessions in the Holocaust perpetrated against European Jewry by the Nazis. The centrality of Eretz Israel and Israel in Zionist ideology led to the concept that it should be the locale for Jewish archives. Thus, for example, in 1933 the archives of the World Zionist Movement were transferred from Berlin to Jerusalem. The situation became more acute after WWII: If entire or partial archives of destroyed communities survived, to whom do they belong—the states in which they were created or the Jewish people? This dilemma also faces existing communities without archival consciousness. Should everything be concentrated in Israel? In recent years, there has been a change in the paradigm of Israel–Diaspora relations. In a global transnational world, with constantly developing technical means, archives can remain in the communities that created them, provided they are maintained and made available to the public in accordance with accepted archival practice. 相似文献
18.
Democratic government has always assumed the need for an informedcitizenry, but modern polling methodology is giving citizensin the United States more information than they sometimes wantor expect. Contrary to popular opinion, this unexpected abundanceof information about the voters does not threaten the systemand may even help it work better. The need for information isespecially acute in the American two-party system where coalitionbuilding takes place in partisan activity before the electionrather than after as in the case of European multi-party systems.The weakening of the parties and the shift of some of theirfunctions to direct popular control only increases the needfor all kinds of information, ranging in scope from candidatesexual behaviour to public opinion data, and forces a new andnot always wanted role upon the mass media. 相似文献
19.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(2):101444
Since the beginning of this decade, there has seen an exponential growth in number of internet users using social media, especially Twitter for sharing their views on various topics of common interest like sports, products, politics etc. Due to the active participation of large number of people on Twitter, huge amount of data (i.e. big data) is being generated, which can be put to use (after refining) to analyze real world problems. This paper takes into consideration the Twitter data related to the 2017 Punjab (a state of India) assembly elections and applies different social media analytic techniques on collected tweets to extract and unearth hidden but useful information. In addition to this, we have employed machine learning algorithm to perform polarity analysis and have proposed a new seat forecasting method to accurately predict the number of seats that a political party is likely to win in the elections. Our results confirmed that Indian National Congress was likely to emerge winner and that in fact was the outcome, when results got declared. 相似文献
20.
《Slavic & East European Information Resources》2013,14(1):13-28
Abstract Some North American scholars believe that libraries on their continent lack adequate indexes and other finding aids to identify scholarly publications and primary resources from Slavic and East European countries. In the belief that such materials can be located only by using esoteric finding aids, they may overlook the major Western subject bibliographies and indexes for the humanities and social sciences. In addition, during the past decade an increasing number of research library catalogs in North America, Europe and Eurasia have become accessible electronically to scholars around the world. The author here lists and describes bibliographic databases which can be of value to a search for Slavic — and East European language research materials in the social sciences and humanities. Many of these tools can be found even in smaller North American academic libraries. 相似文献