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1.
Chang Sup Park 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2015,59(4):698-716
This study assesses differences in use of social networking sites (SNSs) and relates them to different patterns of political participation, media use motivations, and political efficacy. Based on a Web survey of 1,230 South Korean voters, it finds that informational uses of SNSs are positively associated with expressive participation both online and offline, but not with collective participation. The use of SNSs for social interaction purposes was associated only with online expressive participation. Recreational uses had a negative or insignificant relationship with expressive and collective participation. Political efficacy moderated the impact of social interaction uses of SNSs on expressive participation both online and offline. The findings suggest that the political impact of SNSs is mostly limited to expressive participation and dependent upon users' motivations. 相似文献
2.
以MOA（动机-机会-能力）视角为切入点,分别从动机、机会和能力3个维度阐释影响在线科研社区环境下知识交流与共享行为的主要因素。在此基础上,进一步设计信任机制和激励机制。信任机制包括人际信任和社会信任,激励机制包括虚拟性激励和实质性激励。期望能以此有效地促进在线科研社区中用户持续性的知识交流与共享行为。 相似文献
3.
The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of computer-mediated communication apprehension on motives for using the interactive features on Facebook. An online survey was completed by 417 undergraduate students. Guided by uses and gratifications theory, communication apprehension in a computer-mediated context was found to be inversely related to interpersonal, self-expression, entertainment, and passing time motives for using Facebook. This study also investigated how Facebook motives predict the use of its interactive features. Interpersonal communication, self-expression, and entertainment motives all significantly predicted use of interactive features on Facebook. 相似文献
4.
This paper assesses how use of smartphones relates to exposure to heterogeneity, political efficacy, and political engagement and suggests a new mediation model that can be applied to mobile communication. Drawing on online survey data collected during the 2012 presidential election in South Korea, this study finds that exposure to heterogeneity and political efficacy jointly mediate the impact of informational uses of smartphones on political participation. The current study also shows that informational uses of smartphones are significantly related to encounters with heterogeneity, political efficacy, and participatory behaviors. Additionally, recreational uses of smartphones were found to have a positive association with exposure to heterogeneity. However, relational uses of smartphones were not associated with democratic outcomes. The findings suggest that smartphones, by increasing the possibility of encountering diversity and subsequently enhancing political efficacy, create an additional pathway to citizen engagement in democratic processes. 相似文献
5.
This study investigates how social factors affect Taiwanese Internet users’ dual screening use and its impact on online and offline political participation. The Web survey recruits 961 dual screen users. Structural equation modeling results show that bridging social capital and perceived social presence are significantly associated with dual screening use. Dual screening is positively related to online and offline political participation. Dual screening use strongly influences offline political participation when mediated by online political participation. Moreover, alternative media trust is positively related to online political participation, whereas mainstream media trust shows a negative association. 相似文献
6.
This study explored citizens' political involvement, their attention to candidates ' issue stands or personal qualities, and their evaluations of the relevance of different sources of information to political decision making. A telephone survey of a random sample (N = 420) of registered voters in a Southwestern city indicated that involvement did not associate with evaluations of the relevance of newspapers or television news to political decision making and negatively associated with evaluations of the relevance of advertising to political decision making. In addition, respondents ' attention to candidates 'personal qualities positively associated with evaluations of advertising relevance to political decision making, whereas their attention to candidates ' issue stands positively associated with their evaluations of the relevance of interpersonal communication to political decision making. These results suggest that involved voters receive little benefit from political advertisements, whereas voters who attend to candidate images find them informative. Interpersonal communication is an especially important source of election information for highly involved voters and for voters who attend to candidate issues. 相似文献
7.
Jennifer Brundidge R. Kelly Garrett Hernando Rojas Homero Gil de Zúñiga 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(4):464-486
Observations of the contemporary news media environment often revolve around the topics of ideological polarization and blurred boundaries between mass and interpersonal communication. This study explores these topics through a focus on the association between ideologically oriented online news use, commenting on online news, and political participation. We hypothesize that both ideological online news use generally and proattitudinal online news use are positively related to political participation and that online news commenting creates “differential gains” by augmenting these relationships. Yet we also hypothesize that counterattitudinal online news use is negatively related to political participation and that online news commenting creates “differential losses” by exacerbating this relationship. Analyses of two independently collected and nationally representative surveys found that frequent ideological online news use, proattitudinal online news use, and commenting are all positively related to political participation. We found no evidence for differential gains as a result of online commenting but only for differential losses—counterattitudinal online news use interacts with commenting to create a negative relationship with political participation. 相似文献
8.
This study extends the Gamson Hypothesis, which asserts that trust and self-efficacy affect political activity, by examining how reliance on mainstream and alternative sources of political information interact with trust, self-efficacy, and political activity. Overall, this study supports the Gamson Hypothesis: Dissidents (those high in self-efficacy and low in political trust) are more likely to protest the government than Assureds (high levels of trust and efficacy), who are more likely to engage in more conventional political activities. Dissidents avoid online newspapers and broadcast news sites and instead turn to more polarizing sources, such as radio talk shows and political blogs. On the other hand, Assureds rely on mainstream sources such as broadcast television online and avoid more partisan sources such as political Web sites and talk radio. 相似文献
9.
Hoon Lee 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(5):647-671
This study advances a communication mediation model of late-night comedy in an effort to understand the process wherein consuming satirical humor indirectly spurs political participation via the conduit of interpersonal talk about politics. The theoretical model was tested utilizing two different research designs. The findings from the experiment and the survey provide considerable support for the model, demonstrating that various structural features of interpersonal talk (e.g., discussion frequency, online interaction, and network size) positively mediate the association between late-night comedy viewing and political participation. Meanwhile, the assessments concerning the mediating role of heterogeneous discussion illustrate that late-night comedy can draw a higher level of political involvement from those who are highly educated. The present study urges the field to extend the scope of the communication mediation model by incorporating a greater number of media channels and more diverse aspects of interpersonal talk. 相似文献
10.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed. 相似文献
11.
Rebecca J. Cline 《Communication Studies》2013,64(1-2):92-104
Ford's politically dangerous openness in his interview with Cronkite during the GOP convention is difficult to explain. This study argues that the interview is better understood as interpersonal than as political communication; a therapeutic analogue better explains it than does traditional political analysis. 相似文献
12.
有认识的人或者同一区域的人患有新冠肺炎,是否会更加相信疫情谣言?使用什么渠道会影响对谣言的信任度?本研究探讨新冠疫情中的接近性、传播渠道与谣言信任度之间的关系,在网络平台采集北京、上海、广州、武汉、成都五座城市有效样本813人份。建立中介模型研究发现:疫情接近性对谣言信任度没有直接效应,只有通过人际传播才产生显著的间接效应,通过新闻媒体和社交媒体的间接效应则不成立;同时,新闻媒体使用与疫情谣言信任度呈负相关关系,人际传播、社交媒体使用与疫情谣言信任度呈正相关关系;学历、年龄与疫情谣言信任度均是显著性负相关关系。 相似文献
13.
The purpose of this investigation was to validate a template for the instruction of interpersonal communication. Two dimensions emerged that characterize the study of communication: a theory—application dimension and a communication—relationships dimension. These anchors serve as the foundation for the Interpersonal Communication Template. Juxtaposing these two dimensions yields a four‐quadrant template featuring: theory—communication; theory—relationships; application—communication; application—relationships. Journal articles were categorized within the four quadrants. Five hundred and seventy two articles were reviewed, resulting in the identification of 998 interpersonal communication theories, constructs, and contexts. The theories, constructs, and contexts were then collapsed into 120 interpersonal communication topics. To derive the interpersonal communication topics, the co‐coders utilized the constant comparative method (i.e., analytic induction) (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The organization of the 120 topics within the communication—relationships and theory—application dimensions provides an illustration of the field utilizing the Interpersonal Communication Template as an organizing mechanism. Implications of the template for research and instruction of interpersonal communication are discussed. 相似文献
14.
Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu Matthew Barnidge Homero Gil de Zúñiga 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(2):169-191
Although much attention has been paid to how media use and interpersonal discussion motivate people to engage in political persuasion, and despite recent efforts to study the role of digital media technologies, less is known about the creation of news and public affairs content online. This study sheds light on how online content creation works alongside other communicative behaviors, such as news use and political discussion, to affect attempted political persuasion. Using two-wave panel survey data, we find that political discussion and citizen news creation mediate the relationships between online and traditional news use, on one hand, and attempted persuasion, on the other. Furthermore, strength of partisanship moderates the relationship between content creation and attempted persuasion. Findings are discussed in light of their implications for the political communication and public sphere processes. 相似文献
15.
Building Citizen Trust Through E-government 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Michael Parent Christine A. Vandebeek Andrew C. Gemino 《Government Information Quarterly》2005,22(4):720-736
The trust of citizens in their governments has gradually eroded. One response by several North American governments has been to introduce e-government or Web-mediated citizen-to-government interaction. This paper tests the extent to which online initiatives have succeeded in increasing trust and external political efficacy in voters. An Internet-based survey of 182 Canadian voters shows that using the Internet to transact with the government had a significantly positive impact on trust and external political efficacy. Interestingly, though the quality of the interaction was important, it was secondary to internal political efficacy in determining trust levels, and not significant in determining levels of external political efficacy (or perceived government responsiveness). For policymakers, this suggests e-government efforts might be better aimed at citizens with high pre-extant levels of trust rather than in developing better Web sites. For researchers, this paper introduces political efficacy as an important determinant of trust as it pertains to e-government. 相似文献
16.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101486
This paper empirically investigates the association of quality information provided by a government agency on social media and citizen’s online political participation. It further answers the why and how questions regarding the existence of this relationship by examining the mediating influence of transparency, trust, and responsiveness. The data was collected from 388 followers of the social media platforms of a government agency i.e. Punjab Food Authority and the findings of the analysis were obtained using structural equation modeling technique. The results reveal that the agency’s provision of quality information on social media was significantly related to perceived transparency, trust in agency, perceived responsiveness, and citizens’ online political participation. Moreover, the results show that perceived transparency mediates the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ trust in agency. Additionally, trust in agency was an insignificant predictor and perceived responsiveness was a negative predictor of citizens online political participation, Also, trust in agency and perceived responsiveness suppressed the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ online political participation. This study aims to bring awareness and contribution to the body of knowledge about the governmental use of social media and its resulting benefits since in developing countries like Pakistan the research in this area is sparse. Further, it provides strategic and practical suggestions to agencies regarding advantages of utilizing social media in their communication with citizens. 相似文献
17.
Employing original survey data, this study examined how mobile phone communication is associated with political participation. Findings revealed that informational use of mobile phone and mobile-based political talk are positively associated with political participation. Specifically, using a mobile smartphone for news and information leads to increased levels of political participation through mobile-mediated political discussion. More importantly, we found gaps in political participation between individuals with higher and lower education levels: education significantly moderates the mediating relationship, with more educated individuals showing a stronger effect of mobile phone use for news/information on political participation through mobile-mediated political discussion. 相似文献
18.
Tara Suwinyattichaiporn 《Communication Teacher》2016,30(3):179-183
Courses: Intercultural Communication, Communication and Identity, Interpersonal CommunicationObjectives: After completing this semester-long activity, students should be able to (1) discuss and apply the concepts of social identities; (2) analyze the influence of self-identities on online communication practices of self to others and others to self; and (3) create critical, informational, and respectful online content that promotes conversations and learning about social identities. 相似文献
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20.
The purpose of this investigation was to examine whether an individual's general use of nonverbal immediacy behaviors, as well as the use of specific nonverbal immediacy behaviors, would be correlated with interpersonal communication motives. Participants (N = 211) completed the Interpersonal Communication Motives scale (Rubin, Perse, & Barbato, 1988) and the Modified Nonverbal Immediacy Behaviors instrument (Myers & Avtgis, 1997). Results indicated that an individual's general use of nonverbal immediacy behaviors was positively correlated with the pleasure and affection motives and negatively correlated with the escape and control motives, but was not significantly correlated with either the inclusion or relaxation motives. Moreover, a series of significant correlations emerged between each of the 10 specific nonverbal immediacy behaviors and the six interpersonal communication motives. 相似文献