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2006年3月3日晚，泰国总理他信的支持者在曼谷举行人规模集会，支持他信继续担任泰国总理。据泰国媒体报道，参加“挺他信”集会的人数比前几天“反他信”集会的人数还要多。 相似文献
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东亚＂威权政体＂或称＂威权主义＂,主要指20世纪50年代至90年代末期韩国、新加坡、马来西亚、泰国、印尼等国家在现代化进程中出现的政治体制。近几年来学术界对东亚威权主义政体的研究日趋关注,在东亚威权政体的定位、东亚威权政体产生的原因等一些重要问题上学者们持不同的意见。我认为东亚威权主义的存在与产生是同这些国家和地区自身的经济、政治、社会、历史、文化、国际等状况密不可分的,是在特定的历史条件下形成的。本文分别从三个方面探讨了东亚威权主义的成因,为东亚各国的政治转型提供启示。 相似文献
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2006年9月19日,泰国军方突然发动政变,推翻了正在美国纽约参加联合国大会的他信内阁。这一突发事件震惊世界,国内的任何一家综合性报纸都对此进行了报道。针对国内报纸对这一事件的报道,笔者进行了一次实证研究,以期通过这一研究揭示出国内报纸对这一事件的不同态度和立场,进而 相似文献
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上世纪90年代．俞可平说了一句实话：人权应该被视为人类的基本价值。2006年．他又说了一句实话：民主是个好东西。俞可平由此被卷入了民主的风暴眼。他所描绘的“增量民主”．成为过去十年中最动人、最现实．实践中又最难精准把握的中国民主路线蓝图 相似文献
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泰国是东南亚最早的民主国家,然而其民主发展史是一部悲剧。曼谷、中央政府乃至整个国家长期处于失序和半瘫痪状态。但值得指出的是,尽管西那瓦家族的政治之路再度受挫,但其代表和领导的草根阶层与曼谷精英、传统权贵集团的博弈,毕竟是泰国民主化道路上突破瓶颈的一次重大尝试。 相似文献
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大众媒介在转型国家的政治社会生活中和政治社会转向时扮演着什么角色,是媒介研究及其学者的一个重要面向和讨论议题。特别是在20世纪90年代苏东剧变之后,此议题获得学界更多关注。不过,转型国家的社会实践时间可再向前追溯：“在葡萄牙于1974年结束独裁后的15年间,民主政权在欧洲、亚洲和拉丁美洲30个国家取代了威权政权。” 相似文献
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听他用习惯的白描手法讲述着 35年的记者生涯，我们仿佛又看到了改革开放以来经济繁荣、人民富裕的生动画卷；聆听到民主政治建设前进的步步足音；阅读着新闻工作者所作的无愧于时代的忠实记录。 建党 80周年前夕，我们走访了资深政治记者、原新华社国内部主任李尚志，在寻访他成绩卓著的新闻轨迹时，也感受着他作为一名记者对党对人民一腔赤诚的政治情怀。 寻找新闻的政治高度 可能是政治记者的一种自觉，李尚志开门见山就和我们说起了新闻和政治的关系，多年的工作磨炼，使他谈起这个话题从容而自信。李尚志认为，讲新闻必须和政… 相似文献
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A statewide survey (N = 564) before Ohio's 2006 gubernatorial election examined political interest, campaign news and advertising attention, and perceived effects of negative political ads. Interest was related to political and negative political advertising attention, which were in turn related to campaign news attention. Candidate preference predicted attention to political and negative political ads; attention to ads significantly predicted perceived effects on self and on others, whereas attention to negative ads significantly predicted third-person differential (other minus self). In addition, individuals polled in this survey admitted that attention to ads and negative ads was having comparable effects on both themselves and others. This finding may be due to the climate surrounding Ohio's gubernatorial race, which instilled a political importance and social desirability that abated the need to disown an effect of negative advertising on oneself. 相似文献
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In this section the International Journal of Public OpinionResearch reviews articles that have recently been publishedin peer-refereed journals and which broadly relate to the fieldof public opinion. The intention is not to give an exhaustiveoverview of a given study but rather to alert our readers tointeresting ideas and research in our field. For this issuethanks are due to Ken’ichi Ikeda (University of Tokyo)for help in compiling the reviews. Arai, Kiichiro (2006). A mechanism of political participation:Experience and evaluation. Review of Electoral Studies, 6, 5–24. This paper examines how citizens are engaged in political activities,with a focus on their experience of political participationand their evaluation of the experience. Using data from theJapanese Election and Democracy Study 2000 survey, an empiricalanalysis shows that people who positively evaluate their experienceof participating in political activity (such as helping election 相似文献
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In recent years, as information technologies have grown in sophistication and become more fully integrated into daily lifestyles, a general expectation has arisen that the internet has the potential to reconfigure social and political relationships, and to create new political configurations. Blogging, in particular, has been seen to have significant potential to merge the public and the personal in new ways, potentially altering the nature of politics, particularly in nations where political processes are formalistic and highly regulated. As an example, politicians who blog have developed a new approach to communicating with their constituencies, in that the private thoughts of the political actor are expressed in a relatively unmediated environment. This study, which examines trends in blog linkages among Assembly members in Korea, provides a longitudinal analysis of blog linkages in order to assess the long term implications of new media technologies in Korean society and politics. The data were gathered from the blogs of Korea's National Assembly members for 2005 and 2006. An analysis of these links indicates that, indeed, there is an increased use of blogs among National Assembly members. However, it seems that over time, the network becomes sparser, less integrated, and more decentralized. This study also suggests that offline imperatives for political organization figure prominently in the motives of establishing online linkages to other political blogs. 相似文献
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Responding to the rapid adoption of new technologies, political parties, both incumbent parties and minor ones, have been quick to leverage web 2.0 technologies for party communication and mobilization. A coterie of work addressed how social media such as Facebook are used as political tools for the promotion of candidate and party campaign platforms. However, a present bias is observed as current literature focus on western democracies. To bridge the gap, this study examines the gradual, yet significant, evolution in technology deployment by the ruling elite in Singapore. This paper traces the developments in e-engagement to bridge the affective gap between the ruling elite and an increasingly IT-savvy population, one which has demonstrated its astuteness in using new media to articulate its disenchantment. Developments in the last five years indicate that the government's earlier endeavor to centralize and streamline its political engagement via a single portal, REACH, is insufficient to say the least. Between the general election in 2006 and the watershed election in May 2011, the repertoire of media tools deployed by the political elite has broadened, with the inclusion of personal blogs, Facebook, and Twitter. In this paper, we apply Kent and Taylor's public relations dialogic communication framework to examine how Facebook fosters greater mutuality, propinquity, and empathy between the government and the electorate. However, problems arising from new technologies themselves inadvertently create risks and challenge the government's ability to commit to dialogic communication. 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(1):75-91
Even though we live in a global world cross-cultural comparisons of journalism practice remain rare. This study analyzed the use of sources in newspaper coverage in Sweden and the United States. Rather than focusing on one single event, the comparison utilizes data from a number of different events: the 2003 Iraq War, the 2002 national election in Sweden and the 2004 presidential election in the United States, and the 2005/2006 international controversy stemming from the publication of the Mohammad Cartoons. Some interesting patterns across the three events emerged for the use of government officials, academic experts and citizens as sources. The findings are discussed in the context of news reporting and journalism within a distinct national political and media system. 相似文献
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The unsuccessful 2006 reelection campaign of then incumbent Republican senator George Allen of Virginia is employed to discuss the emergent role of blogging in political discourse. We analyze reconstructed interactions between weblog and mainstream media coverage to argue that Allen's use of the racial slur “macaca” was successfully mobilized by progressive Virginia bloggers to create a negative narrative about Allen that was then picked up and echoed in many mainstream media outlets. In this case study, blogs were used as an important site of civil discourse that increasingly influences mainstream media coverage. Bloggers took advantage of changing mores that make it unseemly for high-level public officials to employ racially insensitive comments and effectively mobilized long-standing dramatic elements of a campaign narrative to shape discourse surrounding this Senate election. 相似文献
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Ahmed Abdel-Raheem 《Visual Communication Quarterly》2017,24(3):179-191
According to Moral Politics Theory (Lakoff, 1996, 2004, 2006, 2008), a portion of the U.S. population is biconceptual. These citizens subscribe to both the strict-father and nurturant-parent model in their reasoning about ideal families and therefore possess more flexible political attitudes that can shift depending on what family model is brought to the fore of their reasoning through the language used in public discourse. The present study examined whether visual issue framings in terms of a strict-father and nurturant-parent model result in short-term framing effects. Participants were exposed to strict-father and nurturant-parent framings of the issue of bailouts. The results showed that strict-father and nurturant-parent framings led to framing effects and that biconceptuals were susceptible to framings in terms of both models. Furthermore, the author demonstrated that presenting strict fathers with an antibailout argument framed in terms of strict-father values pushed them toward even stronger stances in line with their preheld beliefs (although see Chong & Druckman, 2007; Converse, 1974; Judd & Krosnick, 1982; Payne, 1951; Wehling, 2013; Wehling, Feinberg, Saslow, Melvaer, & Lakoff, 2014). In addition, the results confirmed that subtle changes in visual metaphoric constructions can exert an influence over people's political attitudes. 相似文献
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Can Inoculation Work Against the Spiral of Silence? A Study of Public Opinion on the Future of Taiwan 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
This study explores the relationships between inoculation andthe spiral of silence theories. Inoculation strategies wereemployed to mitigate the process of the spiral of silence, especiallyfocusing on resistance to counter-attitudinal attack, attitudinalconfidence, willingness to speak out, fear of isolation, andchange of attitude. A field experiment was conducted in a two-wavesurvey of randomly sampled citizens in Taiwan. The issue employedwas Taiwan's political future in relation to the People's Republicof China. Results are consistent with major inoculation findingsand support the study's core hypotheses: Inoculation treatmentsenhanced people's resistance to attitude change. People whoreceived an inoculation pre-treatment, as compared with thosewho did not, became more confident in their attitude over time,more willing to speak out on behalf of one's attitudes, andmore likely to overtly resist the counter-attitudinal attemptsof others to influence oneself. Received for publication November 21, 2002. Revision received August 14, 2006. Accepted for publication November 28, 2004. 相似文献
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‘Here is a book that makes you want to shout, "Finally!"’That is the opening sentence of a recent book review that theauthor of this review wrote for the International Journal ofPublic Opinion Research about Campaigning for Hearts and Minds:How Emotional Appeals in Political Ads Work by Ted Brader (2006).The remark refers to the fact that Brader’s book focuseson an issue that has thus far received very little attentionin the field of communication studies, or, for that matter,in the fields of political science or sociology, namely, themajor role emotions play in explaining collective behavior,social decisions, opinion formation and—especially inthe case at hand—the effects of media coverage on opinionformation. Now, in the form of Katrin Döveling’scomprehensive new 相似文献
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Weiyu Zhang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(5):474-492
This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed. 相似文献